By Karen DeYoung and Eric Pianin
Washington Post Staff Writers
Republican leaders are working overtime this week to persuade Congress
to normalize trade relations with China's communist government. Since
American goods come with American values, said House Majority Whip
Tom DeLay (R-Tex.), free trade means "spreading freedom all over
China."
Less publicly, but with almost as much zeal, those same leaders are also
working this week to block a measure allowing minimal trade with Cuba's
communist government.
"It's very easy to see the distinction" between the two cases, Senate
Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.) told reporters yesterday. "And if
you all can't see it, I don't know. Maybe you're just blind to it."
But it's a distinction that has eluded an increasing number of congressional
Republicans, some of whom have dug in their heels to demand the
leadership allow a long-avoided vote on a partial lifting of economic
sanctions against Cuba.
As the United States has expanded trade and diplomatic relationships with
China and Vietnam, and extended carrots toward North Korea, policy
toward Cuba has remained in a class by itself, exempt from the usual
arguments of globalization, strategic nudging and commercial competition.
For most of the four decades since sanctions were first put in place, those
who advocated "spreading freedom" via engagement and trade with
Cuba--primarily Democrats of the leftist persuasion--made little headway
against the arguments of anti-communism. The Clinton administration's
early efforts toward normal relations with Havana stopped abruptly in
1996, when the Cuban government shot down two civilian aircraft being
flown by anti-Castro activists in international airspace.
But now, when even those of the rightist persuasion argue for engagement
with the world's reigning communist behemoth in Beijing, the reasons for
continuing isolation of Havana are being challenged as never before.
"If you think China is more likely to change politically if it's brought
into
global economic relations, then why not apply the same logic to Cuba?"
said Thomas Mann, a government affairs expert with the Brookings
Institution. "The politics are different. It's Cuba's proximity. It's the
presence of Cuban Americans in the States. . . . It's the fact that a
comparable sort of business lobby has not developed for Cuba as is
clearly present for China."
And, as Lott pointed out, it's Fidel Castro. "Castro has shown no
repentance," Lott said. "He is running a dictatorship, a repressive
dictatorship." Cuba, said Lott, during the week of upbeat assessments of
China, "is the only remaining communist country in the world except for
North Korea."
With diminished state control and increased tolerance of private
entrepreneurship, China has begun to open its economy in ways that are
still anathema in Cuba's tightly controlled system. Yet in terms of personal
and political freedoms, the State Department's descriptions of the two
countries are remarkably similar.
"The People's Republic of China is an authoritarian state in which the
Chinese Communist Party is the paramount source of power," said the
department's human rights report released last February. "Citizens lack
both the freedom peacefully to express opposition to the Party-led political
system and the right to change their national leaders or form of
government. . . . Prison conditions at most facilities remained harsh."
"Cuba," this year's report said, "is a totalitarian state controlled by
President Fidel Castro, who is Chief of State, Head of Government, First
Secretary of the Communist Party and commander in chief of its armed
forces. . . . Citizens do not have the right to change their government
peacefully. . . . Prison conditions remained harsh."
Robert R. Neal, an aide to Rep. George R. Nethercutt (R-Wash.), the
sponsor of a measure to lift the U.S. trade embargo on food and medicine
sales to Cuba, said the GOP leadership is in an interesting spot: "You
further democratic interests in China by trading with them. On the other
hand, you embolden the communist leadership in Cuba by trading with
them."
This is the third year in a row Nethercutt, a conservative who serves on
the
House Appropriations agriculture subcommittee, has proposed lifting
unilateral sanctions on shipments of food and medicine on Cuba and other
countries. But it's the first time he has come so close to succeeding--thanks
to an expanding coalition of market-seeking farm-state Republicans and
liberal Democrats that passed a similar measure in the Senate last year
and
again last month.
Last year, Nethercutt's measure went down to defeat, 28 to 24, in the full
Appropriations Committee. This year, despite extensive lobbying against
it
by DeLay, it passed 35 to 24. Now the House leadership, eager to pass
the agricultural appropriations bill to which it is attached, is searching
for
ways to strip it out.
The easiest way is for the Rules Committee--where Cuban American Rep.
Lincoln Diaz-Balart (R-Fla.) usually has his way on anything related to
Cuba--to subject it to a parliamentary motion that would make it easy to
kill it on the House floor.
But Nethercutt and his supporters believe they have enough Republicans
willing to join with Democrats to send the bill back to committee if the
Rules Committee tries to do that. That would delay passage of an overall
appropriations bill the leadership wants to see passed before the Memorial
Day recess begins at the end of this week.
As of last night, negotiations were continuing with the committee.
"I need to stand up for the farmers in my district," Nethercutt said, citing
those who want to sell peas and lentils to Cuba as well as those seeking
to
recapture wheat sales lost when sanctions were imposed on Iran.