Hispanics seek more political power in U.S.
PATERSON, New Jersey (AP) -- When Pepe Mercado's father opened a
luncheonette 31 years ago, he offered a taste of home for fellow Puerto
Ricans
who were streaming into a city of Italians, Irish and blacks.
Now, for the first time, Hispanics from many countries outnumber all other
groups in this one-time industrial center: U.S. Census 2000 numbers show
Hispanics make up 50.1 percent of the city's 149,922 residents.
Mercado's son, looking past plates of spicy chopped liver and stewed pig
ears,
thinks government ought to catch up and reflect the faces at the diner's
counter.
"It's our time," he says.
The same cry is being heard throughout the nation as political maps everywhere
must be redrawn in the once-in-a-decade process of redistricting.
Explosive population growth has given Hispanics, Asians and other ethnic
groups
a shot at a political voice -- a new Asian congressman for California,
perhaps, or
the first Hispanic state senator in New Jersey.
At the local government level, there's a chance for Indians, Palestinians,
Vietnamese and other groups to elect representatives. But for several reasons
--
party politics, court decisions and conflicts between minorities among
them -- it
won't be easy.
Redistricting follows the release of Census numbers. Maps must be redrawn
so
political districts are equal in size at each level of government.
New Jersey and Virginia, which have state legislative elections this autumn,
are
redistricting first. The other states, with elections in 2002, won't need
to finish
redistricting for months.
Party politics always plays a major role in redistricting, and in Virginia
the
Republicans are in control. The Republican-controlled legislature decides
on the
maps and the governor, Republican Jim Gilmore, must agree.
Hispanics do not figure to gain much, if anything, there. Gilmore has reached
out
to Hispanics in northern Virginia, though their numbers are still too small
to
ensure a Hispanic representative. Blacks are struggling to maintain the
gains
they've achieved in the past.
New Jersey, like a handful of other states, has tried to reduce political
infighting
by putting redistricting in the hands of a 10-member commission -- half
appointed by Democrats, half by Republicans.
It hasn't helped. The commission deadlocked, and with a decision due Monday,
a
judge has appointed a political science professor as a tiebreaker.
Hispanics in New Jersey want representation equal to their 13 percent statewide
population. That would mean 10 Hispanics in the state Assembly (there are
now
five), and five senators (none currently).
With the commission working behind closed doors, it's hard to say whether
their
goal will be achieved. But it won't be for lack of trying. Late last month,
Hispanic
lawmakers presented a proposed map of their own for commissioners to
consider.
"Power is never voluntarily given up, you're never invited to get a seat
at the
table," said New Jersey Assemblyman Wilfredo Caraballo, a Democrat. "You
have to almost take the seat yourself."
Minorities' arguments can be lost in the bigger battle that shadows all
redistricting efforts: Politics. Each party hopes to gain the advantage
for the
coming decade.
Democrats have promised to spend $13 million on redistricting this time
around;
Republicans are more circumspect. Analysts say the stakes could be a 10-seat
swing in the U.S. House.
"This is up close and personal," said Tom Hofeller, a redistricting expert
for the
Republican National Committee. "It's a very, very political activity."
And the rules for redistricting are changing along with the nation's cultural mix.
The 1965 Voting Rights Act and subsequent court decisions gave tools to
minority groups seeking equal representation, bringing sweeping changes,
particularly for blacks in the South. But recent decisions from the U.S.
Supreme
Court seem to have diminished the importance of race in redistricting.
Now, race and ethnicity are considered as just one factor. The geography
of a
community, its interests, its history all must be weighed, redistricting
experts
say.
The new approach, however, has yet to be tested, says Laughlin McDonald,
a
voting rights expert with the American Civil Liberties Union in Atlanta.
"Nobody
knows what the rules are, they're very conflicting."
Those conflicts may well end up in court, McDonald and others said.
And there are more potential conflicts on the ground, as minority groups
wind up
elbow-to-elbow. Many predict battles, especially in urban areas where,
in the
past few decades, blacks have struggled for representation.
"You're going to see Hispanic politicians make the same demands of black
politicians as blacks made of whites," said Paula McClain, a Duke University
political science professor. '"We want city council seats, police officers,
school
boards."'
In places like Virginia, where Asians and Hispanics are concentrated in
the
suburbs of Washington, the communities are still too new to become politically
involved.
"You're trying to survive," said Karen Narasaki, executive director of
the National
Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium in Washington. "It takes a while
to
establish yourself and get fully involved."
Asian advocates, for now, are focused on New York and California. Hispanics
are pursuing a broader approach, paralleling their larger numbers nationwide.
For all the potential conflicts, Lizabeth Vasquez, helping her dad at the
Paterson
diner, is hoping the final outcome is that more of her people end up in
office.
"They grew up in your community," she said as her 3-year-old daughter clung
to
her hip. "They have more of an understanding."
Copyright 2001 The Associated Press.