Mexican migration moves off fast track
Mexico's foreign minister quit last week following frustration over border issues.
By Gretchen Peters | Special to The Christian Science Monitor
MEXICO CITY - Mexico's President Vicente Fox apparently realizes that his
migration-policy desires must finally adjust to a post-Sept. 11
world.
The appointment of a new foreign minister last week, following the resignation
of Jorge Castañeda, indicates a new, go-slow approach to
border issues, say experts.
Since joining the Fox administration in 2001, Mr. Castañeda tried
to forge a wide-ranging migration policy with the United States that would
have opened the border to workers, trucks, and trade.
Instead, with the appointment of Luis Ernesto Derbez, finance minister
and former World Bank technocrat, Mexico recognizes that it has
moved down President George W. Bush's list of priorities and will have
to take small steps toward its migration goals instead of reaching for
the whole package.
"Now the need is to push for a migration accord from the bottom up," says
Jorge Santibañez, president of Mexico's Northern Border
College in Tijuana. "We can't hope for too much too soon."
Castañeda, a brilliant academic with a brash personality, initially
won kudos for improving Mexico's stature on the world stage. Yet his
refusal to move slowly on the sensitive migration deal put off US officials.
Analysts say that Castañeda pushed too hard too early for a full
guest-worker program, without taking into account that many Americans fear
an influx of cheap laborers would rob them of jobs and cause
a possible rise in social spending.
Armand Peschard-Sverdrup, who directs the Mexico Project at the Center
for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, makes the
analogy that Bush would have encountered similar barriers if he tried to
force Mexico to open its energy sector to US investors.
"It was a tactical error to approach the issue the way he did," he says.
"At the end of the day, it is going to have to be the Bush
administration that does the heavy lifting to win public support for any
immigration accord."
When Mr. Fox took office in 2001, ending the 71-year grip on power by the
Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, officials on both sides
of the Rio Grande hailed a new era in US-Mexico relations. Mr. Bush made
his first trip outside the US to Fox's family ranch, pronounced
the two men "amigos," and promised to pioneer bilateral accords ranging
from free trade and energy sharing to boosting the war on drugs.
Making it easier for Mexicans to travel north of the border for work, both
leaders said, was a priority.
Two years later, however, their once-cozy courtship has turned into a cold
marriage. Fox, for his part, largely stuck to the bargain,
launching a successful war on drug trafficking, curtailing ties with Mexico's
longtime ally Cuba, and talking up plans to open the country's
energy sector to foreign investment, a hugely sensitive issue here.
But hopes for a wide-ranging migration accord disintegrated on Sept. 11 alongside the World Trade Towers.
Instead of opening the border, Bush locked it down. Other touchy issues
like farm subsidies and sharing scarce water along the border
took a back seat to US homeland security and the hunt for Al Qaeda.
In a sign of growing frustration here, Fox canceled an August visit to
Bush's Crawford, Texas, ranch after Texas executed a migrant,
ignoring his pleas for clemency.
And when the two leaders met last October at a trade summit in Cabos San
Lucas, Fox again tried to push for a migration deal, say
officials who were present. But Bush would talk only of Iraq and his hopes
that Mexico would use its UN Security Council vote to support
his agenda.
In a country where people generally resent their richer, more powerful neighbor to the north, Mexicans are bitter at being neglected.
"There is a lot of frustration here," said one Fox administration official this week. "We are feeling ignored."
Supporters of the proposed migration accord say that Washington is making
a mistake by not considering the plan Fox suggests, which
supporters argue would benefit homeland security and the ailing US economy.
There are currently 8.5 million undocumented workers in the US, about half
of them Mexican. Fox argues that a broad migration deal would
save Washington billions of dollars spent annually policing the border
and earn more by taxing registered migrant workers.
The current setup, they argue, promotes a black market system that helps
to smuggle migrants in, get them false identification, and funnel
their money back out. Groups such as Al Qaeda might use it to get a foothold
on US soil.
Migration lobbyists argue that Bush would gain political capital, particularly
with Hispanic voters, if he promoted the positive aspects of a
migration package. And since midterm elections handed him congressional
backing, he is in position to push the issue, they say.
"From a national security point of view, from a border security point of
view, from an economic point of view, from a good politics point of
view, this is low-hanging fruit if you only have the guts to pluck it,"
says Frank Sharry, executive director of the National Immigration Forum
in Washington.