Colombian rebels vow to seize power at any price
Steve Salisbury
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
Colombia's Marxist rebels remain firm on a
final offensive against the country's power centers, making this week's
peace push by the United Nations and
neighbors tenuous at best.
"Our goal is to take power, whatever the means.
If that means by rifle, so be it. So, with or without the peace process,
we shall continue with our plan," a field
commander of the Marxist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)
said. He estimated that the final offensive would come in a few years.
After a dramatic flurry of negotiations involving
a U.N. special envoy and foreign diplomats, and a government threat to
use force, peace talks to end the
38-year-old insurgency were salvaged on Monday.
However, as a sign of the difficulties in
bringing about lasting peace, the guerrilla group began bomb attacks hours
after President Andres Pastrana accepted the
peace accord.
Begun more than three years ago, shortly after
Mr. Pastrana ceded a Switzerland-size area to the FARC for what he proposed
to be "a peace laboratory," the
peace process has produced few results.
"Signs show that the FARC does not have a
sincere and serious disposition to talk and agree to a truce," columnist
Alfredo Rangel wrote in Colombia's largest
newspaper, El Tiempo. FARC commanders and negotiators Raul Reyes and
Simon Trinidad say the government, pressured by an "oligarchy," seems more
concerned about FARC laying down its weapons than in discussing the
group's Marxist-style reforms.
"It is all about power, not reform," said
a Pentagon official who has visited Colombia and studied insurgencies around
the world. "If Pastrana conceded to all their
demands, the FARC would still not back off. The Vietnamese communists
did the same thing. They talked and talked, but nothing was ever done."
Critics say Mr. Pastrana's peace policy was
conceived hastily, ill-planned and lacked strict rules to control FARC
behavior in the southern enclave.
Mr. Pastrana gave in when the FARC forced
out police, judicial officials and a token presence of soldiers from the
zone just after its commencement. When the
FARC refused to allow an international inspection team, Mr. Pastrana
complained but did nothing.
As a result, the FARC has been freely using
the zone for cocaine trafficking and holding kidnap victims, Colombian,
U.S. and European officials and independent
human rights groups say. When three suspected Irish Republican Army
terrorists were arrested in the capital, Bogota, last summer after reportedly
visiting the rebel
zone, Mr. Pastrana started tightening control of access to the zone
and increased military checkpoints and surveillance flights around the
zone.
Arguing these controls threatened its security
and curtailed its ability to receive legitimate visitors, the FARC demanded
that they be lifted before any peace
advances could be made. This time, Mr. Pastrana held firm.
When Mr. Pastrana — seen as a "softy" by the
FARC — suspended talks on Jan. 9 and threatened to retake the zone, it
took rebel leaders by surprise. Mr.
Pastrana gave the rebels a 48-hour deadline to follow through on October's
San Francisco agreement to study recommendations for a cease-fire.
As the government began mobilizing armored
vehicles, attack aircraft and some 13,000 soldiers, U.N. special envoy
James LeMoyne flew to the rebel zone to
mediate the crisis. Mr. Pastrana gave an extra 48 hours for them to
work. Mr. LeMoyne, an American former New York Times reporter, was joined
by diplomats
from 10 friendly countries and a Catholic church representative.
The key to resolving the crisis was to restore
confidence, Mr. LeMoyne said. Perhaps more important to reviving the talks
were the respective interests of the
FARC and Mr. Pastrana.
The FARC did not want to lose its sanctuary.
Since the zone was formed in November 1998, the FARC grew in strength from
9,900 guerrillas to about 16,500
last year, according to military intelligence.
As for Mr. Pastrana, he has made the peace
process the centerpiece of his administration and was loath to see it fall
apart just seven months from the end of his
term.
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