A Hard New Life Inside the Law
Colombian Ex-Rebel Fights to Forget Haunting Memories of Childhood
By Scott Wilson
Washington Post Foreign Service
BOGOTA, Colombia -- Morning arrives through a sooty window, and Fabian
Tamayo rises from a mattress with no sheets. Within minutes, he is nudging
his
motorcycle between the homicidal buses of rush hour, across a paved
landscape as foreign to him as the rest of his cold new life.
There is no money in the pockets of his gray flannel pants, and only
a trickle of fuel in the motorcycle. But threading through the traffic,
his Tweety Bird key chain
slapping against the gas tank, brings respite from the remorseless
memories of a guerrilla childhood.
Words and images come to him in sleep and solitude -- the futile pleadings
of friends he killed, the police officials dancing just moments before
he shot them, his
mother's violent death. Regret mixes with rage, and Tamayo, a slight
boy with perpetually tousled hair, black eyes and a flush of pimples on
his hollow cheeks, grinds
his teeth as he remembers the outlaw life that tugs at him even as
he casts around for a grip on this one.
"I still have so many problems with what I have done," Tamayo says. "When I'm with others, it's not so bad, I'm okay. But alone, I remember, and it hits me hard."
On an April day two years ago, Tamayo escaped the quotidian insanity
of civil war for the mundane battle to survive in this mountain capital,
far from family, friends
and the jungles of his stunted youth. The child guerrilla is now a
19-year-old motorcycle messenger, struggling to make the bewildering transition
from warrior to
civilian. The Colombian government has an enormous interest in seeing
him succeed -- and hundreds of others like him, too, if the country's 39-year-old
war is ever
to end.
Tamayo is one of the thousands of rootless young men and women who have
served as foot soldiers in Colombia's undiscriminating war. By most estimates,
more
than 38,000 Colombians, from teenagers to grandfathers, are fighters
in the country's three irregular armed groups, engaged in a conflict that
draws strength from
bleak economic prospects for the rural poor, a haphazard rule of law
and a pervasive drug trade. Tamayo's life has been lived amid those currents,
and in his
uncertain struggle to escape them is the story of the enduring nature
of Colombia's war.
Tamayo's restless generation is abandoning the war in greater numbers
than ever, according to the Colombian government, which estimates that
1,561 people have
deserted the armed groups over the past year. Many of them have joined
the government's "reinsertion" program, an attempt to coax the young, in
particular, out of
the war by offering a brief financial boost, although many say it is
not enough to guarantee a new start. Tamayo received an amnesty for his
murderous time in the
guerrillas, an education that led to a high-school diploma, and money
to buy a motorcycle and open a savings account.
Tamayo's skills, however, remain particularly suited to the demands
of Colombia's lucrative illegal economy, and in his experience lies the
government's challenge. At
age 11, he helped steal airplanes for drug traffickers; at 13, he began
a cocaine-exporting enterprise; and at 14 he was inducted at gunpoint into
the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, a guerrilla group with a Marxist
pitch that is financed largely by the drug trade.
Tamayo's experience was extreme, even by the brutal standards of his
outlaw world. He won the confidence of drug runners and guerrilla commanders,
who
entrusted him with the excruciating duty of executing friends as well
as enemies -- and their final words have not faded with therapy. It is
a good measure of his
isolation from the modern world that he has eaten monkey but never
been to McDonald's.
Unlike most of his friends from the program, Tamayo has not succumbed
to the dark lure of easier money, although the job offers continue to pile
up. On his red
Suzuki AX100, which he dotes on as if it were a puppy, Tamayo balances
between his past, a world of lawless violence, and his present, a life
of poverty lived
inside the law. Guerrilla justice, infamous for its long arm and memory,
has not caught up with him. Nor have overtaxed Colombian authorities called
him to account
for his more recent crimes.
This article is based on long interviews with Tamayo conducted over
the past two months and on visits to the harsh venues of his former life.
It also draws on talks
with government officials and regional politicians, who helped corroborate
many of the crimes and events that Tamayo recounted, as well as ordinary
citizens trying
to help him shake off his past.
"I ask God every day, 'Please, don't let me return,' " Tamayo says.
Frontier Youth
Puerto Elvira is a town in Colombia's southern jungle, a timeless place
that changes only with the rotation of the armed men in charge. Tamayo's
father, Martin,
owned Puerto Elvira Billiards, which filled each day by noon with the
young men who pick coca, process it into cocaine and fly it over the border,
bound eventually
for points north. Profits from his own coca farm paid for it.
The light, airy rooms of the family home hummed with seasonal rains
falling on the tin roof. Tamayo and his younger brother shared bunk beds.
But on Christmas Eve
1990, guerrillas attacked the town, scattering the Tamayos and ending
what he remembers as the happiest time of his life.
Most of the family moved to Villavicencio, the provincial capital, while
Tamayo's father headed for the northern emerald mines in hopes of striking
it rich. He didn't,
and four years later the family returned to Puerto Elvira. The Colombian
government had ceded control of the town to the FARC, a rural insurgency
founded in 1964
whose strongholds in the southern jungle are home to many of its 18,000
fighters.
Across from the family home was a tiny school, the Divine Child, that
Tamayo had once attended. But it now seemed beside the point in a town
where opportunity
had nothing to do with education and everything to do with willingness
to participate in the drug trade. Tamayo told his father he had no intention
of entering fifth
grade.
The 10-year-old became manager of the pool hall, allowing his father
time to expand his drug business. Each week the boy paid $50 in protection
money from the
pool hall profits to John Edgar, the FARC commander who ran the town.
In addition, his father paid the guerrillas a tax on each kilo of coca
base he moved along
the River Guaviare.
"They were good people, taking care of us," Tamayo recalled of the guerrillas. "The whole town survived on coca and the government was trying to take it away."
Like many young boys his age, Tamayo had a quarrelsome relationship
with his mother, Maria Elvira. He had lived without his father in the relative
safety of
Villavicencio, pedaling his bicycle to school each morning in a red
tie and white shirt with a crest on its pocket. But now they fought over
business accounts, over the
money he took from her purse to buy gifts for his girlfriends, and
about his future.
Then one day in July 1995 she was shot dead in the rambling family home
in Puerto Elvira. She was only 28 years old, a plump woman with dark eyes
and a broad
smile. Hilberto Tavares, the owner of a movie theater, had fallen in
love with her in Villavicencio while Tamayo's father was away in the emerald
mines. Tamayo,
who had argued bitterly with his mother the last time he saw her, said
Tavares' wife hired the men who killed his mother. Years later, Tamayo
avenged her murder.
With his father living on the coca farm and his mother dead, Tamayo
explored the opportunities available to an 11-year-old boy who was "empty
and full of rage," as
he recalled it. He took a job with a man known as "the Fox," a drug
trafficker who made him stable boy for his Paso Fino horses.
He was promoted quickly, becoming an armed companion to pilots making
midnight runs to the mountains of Peru, the beaches of Puerto Rico and
hidden airstrips
in Brazil's Amazon. Soon he was stealing Cessna airplanes and spending
the fees he earned doing it in Puerto Elvira's bordellos and cock-fighting
arenas.
With $40,000 in savings, the 14-year-old invested in a drug shipment
bound for Spain. He and his father bought 97 pounds of cocaine, paid off
the local authorities
along the route, and then watched as Colombian police seized the haul
before it left port.
He had 18 pounds of coca base left, hidden in a bordello. But he had
not paid the protection taxes to the guerrillas, and one of the women who
worked there told
the local commander about Tamayo's duty-free stash.
"He gave me a choice -- join them or be killed," Tamayo says of the
conversation he had with John Edgar at the billiards hall in September
1997. "It never crossed
my mind to join them until that moment."
He boarded a canoe and joined them that afternoon.
Guerrilla Life
Tamayo's war was intimate and horrible.
The first assignment came six months into the rote drudgery of weapons
training, obstacle courses and soaking jungle rains endured in open-air
hammocks. His
unsmiling commander, Luis Cordoba, told him to hop a canoe to Puerto
Elvira with another guerrilla and kill an army informant. He was not told
the man's name.
The two boys strolled toward the square, past the family billiards hall
and into a drug store owned by Chucho Quinones. Tamayo had known the man
since
childhood, having attended Divine Child with his son, Frankie, before
dropping out.
"Hey, Tamayito, how's it going?' Quinones called out, using an affectionate nickname.
Tamayo squeezed the trigger of his pistol four times, leaving the man
bleeding to death behind the glass counter. That evening, in the line of
wooden cots in camp,
Tamayo cried himself silently to sleep over the first person he ever
killed.
In the FARC's 44th Front, Tamayo's nightmarish home for the next three
years, days began before dawn on the central and southern plains of Meta
province, a key
crossroads for incoming gun shipments and the outgoing drugs that paid
for them. Morning formation gave way to long afternoons running patrols,
collecting taxes
from coca farmers and staging roadblocks in search of food. If there
was combat, it happened almost always by accident -- Tamayo's patrol bumping
into another
from the anti-guerrilla paramilitary force then brutally penetrating
the region alongside the military.
Each evening at 6 o'clock, the front assembled for a two-hour lesson
on the guerrilla struggle, which placed class warfare and state corruption
at the heart of the
cause. Then, to the shrill cacophony of a jungle at night, Tamayo played
chess with Tuco, the group's 45-year-old second in command. "He told me
the war was like
our chess game," Tamayo said. "Moving pieces around, taking theirs
and losing ours, controlling squares. I always thought the FARC's politics
sounded good --
rights to housing, to opportunity, to justice. The problem is they
never put it into practice."
From his vantage point, in fact, the guerrillas appeared to be at war
with themselves. With discouraging regularity, the front's 200 fighters
assembled for war councils
to judge alleged deserters. Testimony would last hours, then the troops
would vote. Tamayo carried out the death sentences, his reward for winning
his commanders'
confidence.
Tamayo's closest friend was La Bruja, another child pressed into the
guerrillas' ranks. They stood guard together, slept side by side on the
wooden cots and swam in
the river during free afternoons. Then one day, after a few weeks on
different duties, La Bruja was brought before the war council on charges
of desertion. The
inevitable guilty verdict was delivered, and Tamayo escorted him to
a jungle clearing.
"Please don't kill me," he begged Tamayo, who grinds his teeth at the memory. But Tamayo pulled the trigger, then dug a shallow grave.
"I never made any other attachments," he says. "You never knew when someone you cared about would be killed or you would have to kill them."
The front moved west, camping under the jungle canopy, headed for the
coca trading town of Puerto Rico on the Ariari River. In the spring of
1999, Tamayo and
another guerrilla were dispatched to kill a police captain and his
lieutenant in preparation for an assault on the town of 20,000 people.
They traveled by canoe,
dressed in jeans and T-shirts after months in uniform, and stayed in
a small hotel.
Tamayo spent the next few days stalking the two policemen, from their
morning coffee to their midnight visits to a downtown nightclub, where
they dispensed with
their usual armed escorts. The club was dark, dappled with colored
lights.
"I walked up to him on the dance floor and shot him in the head," Tamayo
says. "My companion shot the lieutenant, and we ran out of there with people
shouting and
others firing guns."
From his first day with the guerrillas, Tamayo had harbored dreams of
escape, most of which faded further each time he was forced to execute
a failed deserter. But
as the killing mounted and his assignments grew more dangerous, he
focused on finding a way out. "I knew they would eventually kill me, too,"
Tamayo said.
On April 2, 2001, he fled. After a morning of fighting near Puerto Rico,
Tamayo waited at the end of a long line of guerrillas to board a canoe
back to camp. The
moment, unplanned and risky, had arrived. He took three steps off the
jungle path into a damp thicket of palm and banana trees and watched breathlessly
as the
canoes slipped into the current without him.
Shucking his ammunition vest, Tamayo broke into a run, down a jungle
path, an assault rifle in one hand and two pistols bouncing in his uniform
pockets. A peasant
suddenly appeared on the path with a shotgun in his hands. Tamayo recognized
him as a guerrilla supporter. In his panicked flight, he was seized by
fear of being
captured. He raised his AK-47 and squeezed the trigger. The man fell
dead.
"No one believed me," he says of the police reaction in Villavicencio,
where he turned himself in as a runaway guerrilla hours later, after hijacking
a cattle truck. "I
was too young." He was 17 years old.
Freedom began at the Pilot Center, a government juvenile detention camp
on the outskirts of Villavicencio. Jail was not the destination Tamayo
had expected, and
within days he escaped. Soon after, on the street, Tamayo passed Tavares,
the man he held ultimately responsible for his mother's death. He followed
him home,
then grabbed him the next day as Tavares left his house. Tamayo took
him to a friend's store, where the two boys tied his arms to a pipe. Over
the next two days,
Tamayo recalled coldly, he tortured the man with a hot iron before
shooting him in the head and dumping his body in a creek outside town.
The specifics of the killing
could not be independently verified during a visit to Villavicencio.
"I felt nothing about it at all," he said. "He was nothing, a terrible man. If he didn't actually pull the trigger, he was still responsible."
Days later he lit a candle at his mother's mossy grave at Central Cemetery.
Grasping the Future
"Classmates, we can expect many hard days ahead and we will need much
strength and caution," Tamayo told 54 former guerrillas at a graduation
ceremony last
December. A year had passed since he had joined the government's reinsertion
program, a mostly happy time spent in group homes, on soccer fields and
in
classrooms, studying computers, at the 21st Century School. His classmates
had chosen him to deliver the commencement address. In cap and gown, he
thanked his
teachers, the government and his mother for her "brief presence in
my life."
"Who created this cruel war? I'm sure it wasn't us," he told classmates. "Now is the time for society to open its doors to us."
Tamayo's high-school diploma came with a grant from the government,
enough to buy his Suzuki. At the urging of a friend, he deposited the remaining
$500 in a
savings account that he cannot touch for at least a year.
Bogota is like another country to him, remote and forbidding. Neither
his bosses at a prestigious publishing house nor his landlord knows of
his guerrilla past. His
$250 monthly salary is consumed by rent, gasoline, food and beer drinking
with colleagues from work. The walls of the tiny room he rents are bare;
sofa cushions
serve as pillows. Getting his hands on $5 to fix a flat tire can take
up a whole day. There is no more government help, only the kindness of
a few women he relies on
for food, money and advice. He no longer visits the reinsertion office,
which is now a target of guerrilla attacks.
The former guerrillas with whom he entered the program are losing their
tenuous hold on new lives, falling into crime or returning to war. Two
months ago he ran into
Ana Maria, a classmate who now works as a prostitute at a strip club.
She darted into the kitchen when she saw him, his own eyes dropping in
embarrassment.
Another friend, Guillermo, a child guerrilla with whom he lived for
a year in a group home, joined the paramilitaries in the town of Soacha
just south of the city.
For a few months, Tamayo saw a government psychologist to deal with
his daytime anxieties and nightmare recollections of killing friends and
being pursued. His
jaws flex anxiously when he talks about La Bruja and the others he
killed. Not long ago, he sold a pistol he had hidden at a nearby restaurant,
a passkey to his old
life. He needed the $50 for rent.
"Only I am going to be able to get over this," he says. "No one else can help."
The war is all around him as he speeds along Bogota's avenues -- the
displaced peasants begging at stoplights, the bombed social club now shrouded
in a black
curtain. In moving between the looming skyscrapers of Bancafe and Banco
Union he senses possibility. For now, there is the wind in his face and
a long list of
pickups and deliveries to keep him busy.
The dreams keep coming, and with them despair and thoughts of returning
to the south and the countless malign opportunities available there. At
the Villavicencio
airport, its hangars full of decrepit Antonovs and DC-3s used to carry
drugs, Tamayo is propositioned by a friend: How about joining a colleague
flying stolen planes
for the narcos?
"It's not worth it," he said. "I don't want to go back to the violence. It seems like my whole life I have been trying to push against that current."
© 2003