Summary
Since the fall of Batista and the instillation of
the provisional government on January 1-2, 1959 no open opposition to the
new rulers has appeared. A duality of authority had developed, with
the officials and employees of the provisional government in nominal authority,
and actual authority and decision frequently exercised by the local head
of the “26 of July” Movement. This duality should lessen with the
assumption of the Prime Ministership by Fidel Castro. Certain civil
liberties are curtailed. The press is exercising voluntary censorship.
Confusion at all levels of public administration is gradually lessening,
but is still great. Regionalism is a principal issue in the eastern
provinces. Labor is restless and demanding. Confusion,
failure to solve long-standing problems, later disappointment over excessive
promises, and thwarted aspirations of some revolutionary groups will contribute
to the formation of opposition forces. The Communists are attempting
to obtain positions of influence if not domination within the government
and the labor movement.
This despatch is based on the experiences and observations
of the writer in Habana since the fall of the Batista regime and the creation
of the provisional government on January 1-2, 1959, reinforced by information
collected on a ten-day, 1,500 mile trip through the Provinces of Habana,
Matanzas, Las Villas, Camaguey and Oriente. The easternmost place
visited was Santiago and the surrounding small towns. Stops were
made at Contramaestre, Bayamo, Holguin, Camaguey, Sancti Spiritus, Santa
Clara, Trinidad, Cienfuegos and Matanzas among others.
Public Support for the “26 of July” Movement, and the Provisional Government
With the flight of Batista in the early hours of
January 1, 1959, the “26 of July” Movement moved rapidly and effectively
to seize power and consolidate its hold throughout Cuba. It was aided
in this by the stand of General Eulogio Cantillo in refusing to oppose
the Movement, the attitude of the armed forces in deciding to discontinue
fighting and to permit the Movement to take over all armed forces installation,
and the nearly universal support of the people. Armed militia of
the Movement were on the streets of Habana before noon, had established
a headquarters and were rapidly successful in occupying or neutralizing
all military strong points throughout the city. The authority of
the Movement was never seriously challenged. Considering the situation,
the population was remarkably orderly and well-behaved. There was
some rioting and looting in downtown Habana, directed principally at gambling
casinos, but otherwise the city was surprisingly quiet and within a few
days conditions were nearly normal. Comparable developments took
place in all principal cities of the country, in many of which there were
no disorders of any significance.
Leaders of the “26 of July” Movement credit the
general strike which was called on January 1 with being the principal cause
of their success in overthrowing the group represented by Cantillo and
obtaining their own triumph. Actually, Cantillo seems to have been
motivated entirely by a desire to arrange for an orderly assumption of
power by the revolutionary groups and avoid further fratricidal strife
and violence. He might have preferred to see the victory of the “26
of July” Movement be somewhat less complete, but there is nothing to show
that he attempted to establish a government which would oppose the revolutionary
movement. His attempts to create some sort of governmental apparatus
appear to have been undertaken with a view to maintaining at least a semblance
of
governmental machinery and activity, rather than from any continuing
hostility to the revolutionary movement.
The principal cause of the rapid and complete triumph
of the Movement was the tremendous popular support it enjoyed. With
Batista gone, the Cuban people were unwilling to accept anything short
of a complete rebel victory. In the provinces, the general strike
was over almost as soon as it began. It continued for several days
in Habana, apparently because of a desire by the revolutionaries to “see
Habana suffer”, and their wish to have the forces of Camilo Cienfuegos
and Ernesto “Che” Guevara in the city before calling it off. It does
not appear to have served any to have served any significant purpose, either
in Habana or the provinces.
The key factor in the successful take-over by the
“26 of July” Movement was the support of the people, and the self-discipline
which they maintained. It is literally impossible to find anyone
who will publicly criticize the Movement, or express a preference for some
other government. That feeling still exists, though perhaps not as
intensely as during the first days. It is responsible for the continuing
quiet and order in the country. The Cubans have what they want, and
are being tolerant and patient while the new rulers attempt to establish
new governmental machinery. The bloom is already fading on some of
the flowers but Fidel Castro and his Movement are still enjoying a wondrously
prolonged honeymoon with the Cuban people.
Duality of Authority
A provisional government was established by the “26
of July” Movement beginning on January 2. The principal figures have
reputations for honesty and opposition to the Batista regime. Some
are of proven ability, others are of doubtful ability, and some are unknown.
The same holds true in the provincial and local governments. Nearly
all officers are of good reputation locally. To date, the basic requirement
for a top job has been proven opposition to the former regime. Almost
without exception, the new provincial and local officials are inexperienced.
Many of the best look on their present assignments as temporary, and are
anxious to return to their private pursuits as soon as the emergency is
over. Those who intend to make a career of governmental service tend
to be the less competent. There is great confusion in government,
especially at the provincial and local levels. In some cities visited
this reached the level of uncertainty as to who was acting as Mayor, or
“Comisionado”, as this official in now designated. In theory, each
municipality was to be governed by three “comisionados”, appointed by the
Minister of the Interior. In practice, a municipality was
lucky if there was one “comisionado” actually in office and working,
and the system has now been abandoned in favor of a single “comisionado”
appointed by the Minister of the Interior.
Actual final authority at all levels is vested in
the officer in command of the “26 of July” Movement. In almost all
cases, this means the uniformed officer in command of the local detachment
of the armed revolutionary troops, or “barbudos” (bearded ones).
In Cienfuegos, the 23 year-old Captain in command of the local troops,
Armando Fleitas Diaz, was appealed to in order to resolve a labor dispute
in nearby sugar centrals. His refusal to involve himself in the matter
was roundly criticized, even while his critics recognized that he had no
experience in such matters. The one “comisionado” then functioning
in that city, Dr. Josè Antonio Frias, found nothing exceptional
in such an attitude, though he himself is a capable lawyer with a national
reputation, versed in labor
controversies. In Camaguey, the provincial government slowed
to a crawl when the commanding officer, Comandante Huber Matos, left to
visit Santiago. One of the “comisionados”, Dr. Fernando Martinez
Lamo, considered it prudent not to receive Faure Chomon, head of
the Directorio Revolucionario, in the absence of instructions from Matos.
Chomon is from Camaguey, and had come to the city to attend a celebration
in his honor. Dr. Martinez’ qualifications for his position, incidentally,
are confined to the operation of a successful medical laboratory.
This attitude of considering the local leader of
the “26 of July” forces as the final, and in many cases the only real authority
is a spontaneous reaction by the people. It was fostered by the Movement
by its insistence in controlling governmental appointments, and many of
the leaders undoubtedly enjoy the prestige and power. Its sources
probably go back tot he Latin traditions of loyalty to an individual leader
in politics, often referred to a “caudillismo”. It extends to the
highest levels. The final loyalty of the Cuban people at present
is to Fidel Castro, rather than to Provisional President Urrutia or his
government, or to any particular concept of government. Everyone
speaks of democracy, but what now exists in Cuba is “Government by Castro”—a
situation partly inevitable, but also thrust upon him by the people themselves.
With his assumption of the Prime
Ministership on February 16, the difficulties created by this duality
of authority should lessen. Castro remains the unquestioned leader
of the country, but he will now be directly responsible for the actions
of the government.
Some Civil Liberties Curtailed; Censorship
The Constitution of 1940, with its extensive list and safeguards of
civil liberties, has been replaced by a “Fundamental Law”, under which
the provisional government will operate. This law weakens some of
the liberties so loudly clamored for under the Batista regime, principally
the right of habeas corpus. Some prisoners now may be and are, held
indefinitely without charge. In their zeal to eradicate all traces
of the corruption and repression of the previous regime, the authorities
are engaging in some of the practices they most objected to. In Camaguey
on February 11, local persons estimated that there were about 1,000 persons
in jail, under extremely crowded conditions, most of whom were being held
without charge. This more than doubled the highest figure recorded
under Batista. An American citizen has been held in prison by
the “26 of July” Movement and the new government since December 26, 1958,
without charge. The civilian courts are being purged, and are only
partly functioning. Revolutionary Courts, operating under the “Rebel
code of Justice”, are conducing summary courts-martial of persons both
civilian and military accused of a wide variety of crimes committed under
the previous regime. Trials, particularly in the provinces, are often
mere formalities. The accused is sometimes given the right of appeal.
In Habana, appeals are heard by the same judge and prosecutor who conducted
the original trial.
The press is exercising self-censorship. No
paper dares to appear to criticize the Government or the leading figures
of the new regime. Fidel Castro has displayed a very thin skin and deep
resentment of criticism. He recently publicly objected to a cartoon
in a weekly humorous publication. The staff of the publication waited
on him in a body, explained in detail that no disrespect was intended,
and published a deeply apologetic statement in the next issue-—all this
over a cartoon whose criticism was directed no at Castro, but rather at
those who have been busily jumping on the revolutionary bandwagon since
the first of the year. Castro also publicly objected to an article
in Revoluciòn, the official organ of his own Movement, which listed
20 points the editors
felt Castro would give particular attention to. He got an immediate
printed apology, but somewhat surprisingly coupled with it was a statement
that the paper reserved the right of editorial independence. Castro’s
resentment and irritation over criticism in the foreign press, particularly
in connection with the trials of “war criminals”, and his resultant
blasts at what he calls deliberate
distortion by the international wire services and some foreign
press, have been noted by the local periodicals as well as radio and television
chains. The result has been self-censorship and extreme care to avoid
anything which Castro might take exception to. As far as the international
press is concerned, in Castro’s eyes there are only two categories: The
“good” press, which views him and the revolution favorably; and the “evil”
press, which criticizes him.
Any expression of independent or divergent view
has also disappeared from the press in the provinces. Several formerly
prominent papers in towns such as Cienfuegos, Camaguey and Santiago either
have disappeared or are being watched closely and with a certain air of
hostility by the local “26 of July” representatives. The plants of
those that have disappeared have been taken over by groups which publish
the local “official” organs of the Movement. In some cases, papers
which are still publishing are required to make their plant and staff available
at other times of the day for the publication of the “official” organ.
Regionalism
Regionalism, and the determination to realize long-standing local
desires, has become a dominant issue in the provinces. This is particularly
so in Oriente, where a feeling of resentment against discriminatory treatment
by the central government has long existed. The demands are in general
reasonable: increased local autonomy in the administration of local governmental
agencies and institution, including the expenditures of funds; and a larger
share in the public works programs of the central government. The
thought of further development of local resources and the formation of
local industry seems to have only secondary appeal, at least at present.
In Santiago, an excellent talk on
that subject by Dr. Soto Tio, Acting Dean of the Faculty of Economics
of the University of Oriente, fell on largely uncomprehending and disinterested
ears. The burning issues were clear, and in actuality minor: local
control of the Santiago water-works (but with financing still coming from
the central government); independent local administration of the local
public hospital; and local control of the Santiago airport. Why this
last should be a matter of first importance was not clear. There
was some talk of the fact that there had once been direct international
flights to Santiago, which might somehow be resumed if Santiago had control
of its airport and could develop its won tourist attractions. It
was clear that the central government would be expected to continue to
carry the financial burden of these operations. Indeed, there was
strong demand for increased expenditures
by the central government. The point that a significant shift
in expenditures, or the installation of additional governmental offices
in Santiago might cause hardship to people living in the Habana region,
was regarded with indifference. In Santiago, as throughout the provinces,
there is a noticeable air of vindictiveness toward the capital and its
inhabitants. It is generally maintained that the people of Habana have
had a disproportionate share of the good things of life in the past, and
that they did not participate in the revolution to the extent they should
have. Accordingly, if they now suffer in comparison with the provinces,
they are only getting their just desserts.
Restlessness of Labor
The Embassy has pointed out in a number of despatches the restlessness
of labor since the revolution and the lack of firm control and dominant
influence in the field by the “26 of July” Movement. This has led
to confused and often excessive demands by labor, local strikes, wildcat
strikes and lockouts. The confusion becomes even clearer when travelling
through the provinces. Labor problems and labor demands, and the
resultant settlements, varied widely from one sugar central to another.
The only basic pattern was one based on a struggle for control by rival
local leaders and groups, and a generalized demand for increased wages.
The union leadership during the Batista regime has been almost universally
discredited, with the individual leaders either in jail, in
hiding, or divested of their union rights. As I spoke with people
throughout the country, I found one common thought—that only Fidel Castro
could bring order out of the confused labor situation and get everybody
working again. Unresolved labor demands could be settled later.
The most important, and really basic, necessity was to get the economy
going again as rapidly as possible, and produce a full sugar crop.
The assumption that only Fidel could bring about order proved correct.
He later made a public statement urging workers to buckle down and leave
their just demands for later settlement, and rapid progress was promptly
apparent.
Possible Sources of Opposition
There is no active, open opposition to the provisional government,
or to the “26 of July” Movement, a present. There are several sources
of potential opposition. Causes of the development of opposition,
not necessarily in order of importance, are: confusion (which is apparent
on all sides); failure to solve long-standing problems such as chronic
unemployment and underemployment and the distortions caused by an essentially
single crop economy; resentments and fears created by excessive promises
of a demagogic nature; and thwarted political aspirations of some significant
groups, mainly revolutionary.
The principal source of potential opposition within
the revolutionary groups is the complex formed by the groups most directly
associated with and supported by former President Carlos Prio, including
the Organizacion Auténtica, the Directorio Revolucionario, and the
Federacion Estudiantil Universitaria (FEU-Federation of University Students).
These groups were largely, if not completely ignored by the “26 of July”
Movement in the formation of the provisional government. There has
already been one period of tension between them and the “26 of July” Movement,
and it seems certain that there will be others in the future. Revolutionary
Law Eleven, denying validity to course credits and degrees received in
Cuba during the past two years, was approved principally the most controversial
action in Cuban eyes taken to date by the provisional government, and is
opposed by the Catholic Church among others—at least partly because the
Catholic University of Villanueva was the most reputable and prominent
private center of higher learning which remained open during the last years
of the Batista regime. These groups, and other peripheral groups
such as the Triple A of Aureliano Sanchez Arango, can be expected to form
the nucleus of a political opposition group, which will probably take definite
form only when preparations for general elections finally get underway.
Another potential opposition group is found within
the intellectuals and middle class people who formed the stimulus behind
the revolutionary opposition throughout the struggle against the Batista
regime. These people kept the revolutionary movement going during
the learn, difficult years, and gave it the idealistic character and appeal
which came to characterize the “26 of July” Movement. Originally
separate in organizations such as the Movimiento de Resistencia Civica
(Civic Resistance Movement) and the Grupo de Instituciones Civicas (Group
of Civic Institutions), they tended during the last months of the struggle
to lose their identity within the framework of the “26 of July” Movement.
As Castro has moved since the success of the revolution to establish a
broad popular base of support by appealing to the rural class (campesinos)
with promises of land reform, schools and roads, and by promises to the
working classes of future rewards, the intellectuals and middle class supporters
have begun to have private doubts and reservations concerning him and his
Movement. The writer has been surprised at the openness with which
those doubts have been expressed to him in private conversation, both in
Habana and in the provinces. That feeling has not progressed to the
point at which there is any possibility of an early break between those
groups and Castro, but it clearly exists. If Castro shifts from the
present leftist and some what irresponsible
attitude which he is displaying in public, the feeling could disappear.
But if he continues as at present, the groups which originally supported
him from idealistic and reformist motivations may well seek another leader.
The Catholic Church should also be mentioned among
possible oppositionist groups. Publicly, the Church has consistently
maintained that there could be no doubt of the essentially moderate, Catholic
and anti-Communist orientation of Castro and the “26 of July” Movement.
Privately, the Church has not been so sure, and has made strong efforts,
mainly through Catholic Action, Catholic Youth and the Young Catholic Workers
(JOC—Juventud Obrera Católica) to insure Church influence and an
anti-Communist attitude. Many Catholic leaders are strong and undeviating
supporters of the provisional government and the “26 of July” Movement.
Yet within the Catholic laity sufficient
uneasiness has developed so that there is already underway a project
to form a Christian Democrat Party in preparation for the general elections
expected in two years. The group proposing this step assumes that
the “26 of July” Movement will become a political party—an assumption almost
universally held—and expects to run in opposition to it.
Another source of opposition is found in the political
groups which opposed Batista, but preferred to seek a peaceful solution.
These include the Auténtico forces led by Ramon Grau San Martin,
and the followers of Carlos Marquez Sterling. These groups, particularly
the followers of Marquez Sterling, may not be capable of forming a separate
party, but they will certainly look for a political home. There is
no indication to date that they would be in any way welcome within the
political forces supporting the provisional government, and they may well
organize into an opposition political force.
The remnants of the political structure created
by the Batista regime must also be considered as a potential source of
opposition. The individuals who formed the membership of the Governmental
Coalition were in many cases sincere in their support of Batista, and their
political leaders experienced and capable. Those people are now homeless,
in the political sense, and must be reckoned with when general elections
are held. If the revolutionary groups still consider them political
pariahs at that time, they will nevertheless endeavor in one way or another
to make their weight felt politically. The revolutionary groups maintain
that persons who sought or held elective office under Batista are enjoined
from voting or running for office for a period of years. This is
an
unrealistic stand, and the political supporters of the Batista regime
represent a ready-made following for the leaders or group who first indicate
the possibility of altering it.
Another source of opposition, probably minor but
possibly violent, is found in the relatives and friends of those who are
now being punished by the Revolutionary Courts for alleged crimes committed
under the previous government. Over 300 persons have been executed
by sentence of those courts, as well as an indeterminate number sentenced
to long imprisonment, and the trials are continuing. The relatives
and friends of the condemned cannot be expected to regard the revolutionary
movement with favor, and at least some of them may undertake to practice
the same “eye for an eye” type of justice.
Finally, there is the Communist Party. It
now has a public posture of collaboration with the revolutionary movement.
It will probably not succeed in identifying itself fully with the movement,
and hence will exist as a separate, opposition force.
Position of the Communist Party
By mid-1958, the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP—Popular
Socialist Party, the Cuban Communist Party) had developed a line of reasoning
by which it was able to come out in support of the revolutionary activities
of the “26 of July” Movement, even without the existence of a United Front.
The party then followed a policy of encouraging revolutionary activities
and disorders, and of claiming credit for revolutionary successes, without
jeopardizing the Party apparatus. With the success of the revolution,
the Party (which had been illegal and clandestine) at once came into the
open, and resumed publication of Party publications and literature. It
is the only group in Cuba now
functioning as an organized political party. It is acting
basically as though a United Front existed, complaining bitterly when rebuffed
or thwarted, but persisting in its efforts. It is endeavoring to achieve
positions of influence, if not dominance, within the government and in
the organized labor movement. While the “26 of July” Movement
is professedly anti-Communist, it has not been aggressively so and some
of its leaders are perhaps receptive to Communist ideology. Ernesto
“Che” Guevara, who has much influence within the “26 of July” Movement,
is considered an extreme leftist and has been talking and acting like a
Communist since the fall of the Batista regime. In addition, Raul
Castro, second to his brother in the Movement and head of the Armed Forces,
is believed to have a far leftist political orientation. Nevertheless,
the Communists do not appear to
have achieved any appreciable success to date in infiltrating either
the “26 of July” Movement or the provisional government, which the Movement
controls. In the labor field the picture is far from clear, though
it appears as though the Communists have achieved some degree of success
in obtaining positions of influence at the lower levels. It is difficult
to obtain an accurate picture because (1) the pronounced tendency of the
Batista regime to label all oppositionists as Communists, and (2) the loose
manner in which the word is used locally. Management and the conservative
classes tend to
describe aggressive labor leaders, particularly those who are disposed
to operate independently, as Communists. The picture is further confused
because most of the former labor leaders have lost power or disappeared
from the labor scene, and the new figures are largely unknown. Even
such a person as David Salvador, the “26 of July” Movement leader in the
labor field, is a subject of debate. He is generally regarded as
having formerly had Communist associations, and now being anti-Communist.
However, in Camaguey two reliable sources in addition to our Consular Agent
said that in that Province he was definitely considered to be still a Communist.
Another person, also
considered reliable, said he was not a Communist, and that his behavior
at Central Stewart, source of his local labor support, was only what should
be expected from a labor leader with union elections less than three months
away. All that can be said with certainty is that in Habana, and
throughout the area I visited, the situation in organized labor is still
greatly confused and fluid, and that the Communists have probably had some
success in obtaining positions of influence, at least temporarily.
For the Ambassador:
Daniel M Braddock
Minister-Counselor