Army life takes turn in spotlight
TV show gives Colombia's military a lift
BY JUAN O. TAMAYO
BOGOTA, Colombia -- Contestants on the television game show Comandos
wear
camouflage, combat boots and helmets as they crawl through mud,
swing on
ropes and run obstacle courses at a real army training base.
``It's lots of dirty fun,'' said co-host Andrea Serna, whose own
tight cammy
T-shirts and pants are definitely not army-issue. ``Many people
have a fantasy of
being in the army -- for three days, not three years.''
But Comandos is more than a game show.
Sponsored by a Colombian armed forces that admit to feeling isolated
as they
fight leftist guerrillas and drug traffickers, the program is
also a bit of soft-core
propaganda aimed at connecting the military with civilian society.
Bashed by human rights groups, chronically underfinanced, sidelined
from peace
talks with rebels and shunned by the sons of the elite, the armed
forces are
pushing the message that they are a legitimate part of Colombian
society.
``Many times we feel very alone,'' said Lt. Col. Carlos Ospina,
deputy chief of the
department that sponsors the show. ``An army like ours, engaged
in a frontal war,
must find some way of reaching the civilian community.''
The public image of the 146,000-member armed forces has in fact
improved in
recent years, with a drop in human rights complaints, scattered
battlefield
victories, its increasing professionalism and the arrival of
$1.3 billion in U.S. aid,
mostly for a military-run counter-narcotics offensive.
Recent Gallup polls have shown the security forces -- the military
and the
120,000-member National Police -- are the second-most respected
institution in
the nation behind the Catholic Church.
But even so, wealthy families regularly bribe military draft officials
to spare their
sons the 18 months of mandatory service -- though by law high
school graduates
cannot be assigned to combat units.
And the military's standing remains far behind that of the police,
which rid itself of
11,000 corrupt or ineffective agents in the mid-1990s and now
receives eight
applications for every job opening.
That's where TV shows like Comandos come in: Trying to break through
the
isolation, the Joint High Command's Department of Media and Psychological
Operations now sponsors several programs to reach civilians,
from a children's
circus to four television shows.
The U.S. aid package includes a $1 million contract with a U.S.
firm, yet to be
officially selected, that will advise the Colombian armed forces
on their public
relations and psychological operations.
Launched only Nov. 4, Comandos has already bumped the RCN network
from
fourth to second place in the Saturday 4:30 p.m. time slot and
it's receiving 3,000
applications from would-be competitors.
AT TRAINING BASE
Teams compete in obstacle courses at the Tolemaida National Training
Center,
the army's main training base 50 miles southwest of Bogotá.
Winners get one-week vacations in the colonial-era Caribbean port
of Cartagena,
show co-host Ivan Lalinde said, ``and a lot of joshing that they
are so good that
they will be taken into the real army.''
Lalinde said the program never shows any weapons at all and once
vetoed a
proposal for a contest with paintball guns as ``too militaristic.''
``There's a disconnect between the military and civilians,'' said
Richard Millett, a
historian of Latin American militaries who is with the U.S. Marine
Corps University
in Virginia.
``For the army this is an all-out war of survival. Civilians just want the war to end.''
Unlike other armed forces in Latin America, Colombia's has traditionally
kept out
of politics, with the exception of Gen. Gustavo Rojas Pinilla's
military rule from
1953 to 1957.
President Andrés Pastrana has even kept them from any direct
role in his peace
contacts with the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia,
known as the
FARC -- unlike the negotiations that ended Central America's
civil wars in the
1990s, where military officers sat at the bargaining table.
MIDDLE CLASS
Most of the Colombian military's officers come from middle-class
families and
small cities, and their offspring attend special schools and
tend to marry within
the caste. Most of its soldiers come from poor rural families,
much like the rebels
they fight.
``My neighbors won't even say hello on the streets, if I am in
uniform, because
they don't want to be seen as friends of the military,'' said
Army Maj. Héctor
Gómez, stationed in the northern city of Barrancabermeja.
In the 1960s and '70s, with relatively small guerrilla groups
operating in far-off
corners of the country, which is seven times the size of Florida,
the military was
among the smallest and worst funded in Latin America. But then
came the '80s,
when the FARC and National Liberation Army grew fat on a steady
diet of ``taxes''
on the cocaine trade and kidnappings, and right-wing paramilitary
units emerged
to counter the guerrillas.
Suddenly, the military found itself outgunned by the rebels, shunned
by civilians it
could not protect and accused by government prosecutors and human
rights
activists of allowing the paramilitary squads to kill at will.
``They feel alone, even persecuted,'' former Foreign Minister Rodrigo Pardo said.
While allegations of human rights abuses continue, the pressures
have
sometimes made the military as an institution appear almost timid
and certainly
insecure of its role in the conflict. Virtually every statement
by the armed forces or
its officers describe the military as the country's ``legitimate
authority'' -- as
though that was in doubt -- and dismisses the guerrillas as ``narco-terrorists.''
The military is pleased by the success of Comandos, but even one
of the hosts
expresses a bit of surprise at its popularity.
``To be honest, it's a bit strange because I've never heard any
of the contestants
even mention the real war,'' Lalinde said.
``Maybe it's because people see the real war on the television news every night.''