U.S. Pair's Role in Bombing Shown
1998 Colombian incident was directed at guerrillas but killed 18 civilians. Videotape reveals chaos, drama of the day.
By T. Christian Miller
Times Staff Writer
BOGOTA, Colombia -- Two Americans
helped direct a bombing attack that killed 18 civilians, including seven
children, in a small Colombian
village, according to court records
and a recently discovered videotape that reveals for the first time the
depth of U.S. involvement in the incident.
The two men, identified in court
records as Joe Orta and Charles Denny, were flying in a surveillance plane
owned by AirScan Inc., of Florida,
with a third crewman, Maj. Cesar
Gomez, a Colombian air force officer. The men were helping direct an attack
against leftist guerrillas fighting the
Colombian army near the village
of Santo Domingo four years ago.
The three men, who were videotaping
the operation from the sky, can be heard discussing guerrillas' positions,
directing air traffic and choosing the
best place to drop a U.S.-made
cluster bomb to provide air support to troops on the ground.
The Times has previously reported on the Santo Domingo incident. But the videotape, which recently surfaced in an ongoing court proceeding,
provides the fullest picture yet of the Americans' participation in the operation.
It also clears up lingering questions
about the operation: Contrary to Colombian military testimony, the videotape
shows that the nation's air force
believed that leftist guerrillas
were hiding in Santo Domingo on the day of the fighting.
However, neither the Americans
nor the Colombian indicate on the tape any intention to drop the bomb on
the town. Instead, they pick a site in
nearby jungle, which might suggest
that the deaths of the townspeople were the result of an accident.
The videotape reveals the chaotic
minutes leading up to the bombing. As the Huey helicopter carrying the
bomb nears its target, confusion breaks
out as different Colombian air
force aircraft begin converging in the air above the village.
"OK, Cesar, there are a lot of airplanes; we're going to control this," Orta says in Spanish.
A few minutes later, another pilot, identified as "Hunter," asks the AirScan plane if anyone can see the helicopter carrying the bomb.
"No, I can't see him; he is the only one that I can't see. Now I see him," Gomez says as the camera flashes around the jungle.
"Good, then direct him so that he can drop the cluster," says Hunter, pilot of a Hughes H500 helicopter.
"Ahh, it already dropped, it already dropped," says one of the pilots flying the Huey.
"There's the smoke," Hunter says.
The tape ends a few minutes later.
Neither smoke nor the destruction in the town is seen on videotape because
the camera is focused on a nearby
field where Colombian military
troops are landing.
The Santo Domingo incident has
become one of the most controversial human rights cases in Colombia. The
head of the nation's air force has
denied responsibility, saying
the townspeople were killed after a guerrilla car bomb exploded during
combat.
However, last fall, Colombia's
inspector general sanctioned two air force crew members in the Huey, Capt.
Cesar Romero and technician Hector
Mario Hernandez, after concluding
that they had intentionally dropped the bomb on the town.
Then, in December, the United States
decided to suspend all funding to the two men's unit, the 1st Air Combat
Command, citing the lack of a
"clear and transparent" investigation
into the bombing. It was the first time that a Colombian military unit
actively receiving U.S. funds had been
sanctioned under a human rights
amendment sponsored by Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) that prevents aid from
flowing to suspect military units.
Last month, Colombia's Supreme
Court ordered the case to be transferred from a military tribunal to a
civilian court, a move long demanded by
human rights investigators fearful
of a biased review of the case.
Civilian prosecutors have just
begun to look into the 4-year-old case, which is now bound into more than
30 volumes of court documents that
stack 20 feet high. They have
not discarded calling the Americans to testify, a move that the U.S. Embassy
has pledged to support.
"It might be very interesting in hearing what they have to say," said one prosecutor, who asked not to be identified.
The videotape has long been at
the center of controversy. An earlier version introduced into evidence
by a Colombian military court contained no
sound, leading the pilots accused
of dropping the bomb to criticize the air force for mounting a cover-up.
In November, the air force produced
a portion of the videotape with audio, giving it to the U.S. Embassy for
transcription since much of the
conversation on the tape is in
English between Orta and Denny. The Times was able to obtain a copy of
both the tape and the transcript, which
cover four hours of the daylong
operation.
The incident began on Dec. 12,
1998, when a U.S. Customs plane tracked a plane allegedly loaded with arms
as it landed on a road north of the
village, which is located in the
war-torn province of Arauca in northeastern Colombia.
The plane was allegedly delivering
the weapons in exchange for cocaine provided by leftist guerrillas from
the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia, known as FARC for its
initials in Spanish.
Colombian army forces arrived on
the scene but were overwhelmed by the guerrillas, who trapped them near
a bridge about 600 yards outside the
town of Santo Domingo.
The town lies some 30 miles south
of a petroleum complex operated by Los Angeles-based Occidental Petroleum.
The army and air force used
Occidental's facility as a base
to plan a rescue operation for the trapped army units, according to testimony.
While Occidental officials have
said they can neither confirm nor deny the company's role in the operation,
the videotape makes clear that the pilots
were in constant contact with
a commanding officer at Cano Limon, the name of the oil complex.
AirScan was under contract at the
time with the Colombian air force to patrol the pipeline that carried the
oil, the object of frequent guerrilla
attacks. AirScan denies any involvement
in operations on Dec. 13, the day of the bombing, although U.S. Embassy
and Colombian officials have
confirmed the company's role.
On the tape, Orta, the plane's
pilot, is a central figure, serving as a translator and guide for Gomez,
who then relays orders and suggestions to his
commanders. Denny, who does not
speak Spanish, operates a video camera with infrared capabilities, using
it to search for guerrillas in the town
and the surrounding jungle.
Orta and Denny are careful to refrain
from giving orders, repeatedly telling each other that all decisions must
be made by the Colombians. The three
men in the plane also note the
presence of children and other civilians in the village.
The men spend much of the time
in the early morning in a fruitless effort to locate the guerrillas in
the thick jungle outside town. They conclude that
the guerrillas are hiding in Santo
Domingo after seeing some people in the town take off their shirts.
Villagers have denied that guerrillas
were in the town that morning. In interviews last year, some of them mentioned
taking off their shirts to wave
them at aircraft above to signal
that they were civilians.
"That's the problem I think we have here, is that these guys have gone home and changed clothes," Orta says on the tape.
"Yeah, they don't want to fight no more," Denny says.
As the morning progresses, the
gunfire becomes more intense, with both ground troops and helicopters reporting
taking fire from guerrillas in the
jungle. The military operation
also becomes chaotic.
Radio communication between ground
troops and the air force is poor. At one point, the H500 helicopter fires
a Skyfire rocket that lands a few
yards from the Colombian troops,
injuring one of them.
Gomez decides that the only way
to protect the troops is to call in a "Beta" -- air force terminology for
a rocket or cluster bomb attack. The air
force decides to land relief troops
in a nearby field, and simultaneously drop the bomb to distract the guerrillas
and protect the troops.
"I am asking for a bombardment over there, for this point," Gomez says on the tape.
"That's good," Orta says in Spanish.
He then speaks in English: "They are calling in an air strike on the wooded
line, the wood line there south of the
bridge."
"South of the bridge?" Denny asks.
"South of the bridge to the town; he's going to call in a strike," Orta says.
In court testimony, Romero, pilot of the Huey, said he dropped the cluster bomb in the jungle between the bridge and the town.
Romero has said that he believed
that distance to be between 1,000 and 1,500 yards from the town. But the
bridge lies only 600 yards from the
town, according to a measurement
taken at the site by The Times using a satellite-guided measuring device.
And in the tape, Gomez tells other
pilots firing in the jungle between the bridge and the town to aim for
a site about 300 meters, or 325 yards, north
of the town.
"Hit about 300 meters north of
the town; 300 meters north of the town is where we need support," Gomez
tells the pilot of a Colombian UH-60
Black Hawk helicopter also in
the area, giving him directions on where to fire a machine-gun burst.
Finally, Hunter, the code name for the H500 pilot, tells Romero to make sure to drop the bomb in the jungle "really close" to the town.
"Where do you want it, Hunter? Tell me where you want it," Romero says.
"We want it on the west edge of the jungle," Hunter says.
"The jungle to the west, or the one's that's really close?"
"The one that's really close," Hunter says
If Romero intended to drop his
bomb 325 yards away, the town would have fallen well within range of the
device, which would have traveled
about 550 yards horizontally from
the point of launch, according to a Federation of American Scientists'
study based on Romero's testimony of
how high and fast his helicopter
was traveling at the moment of the bombing.
If the bomb was dropped that close
to the town, it would amount to a violation of human rights, according
to Doug Cassel, director of the
Northwestern School of Law Center
for International Human Rights.
Cassel has followed the case closely
over the past several years, presenting it last month to the Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights, a
tribunal sponsored by the Organization
of American States. The commission will decide whether to accept the case
for a hearing.
Cassel, who has seen the transcript, said international rules of war require military operations to reduce or minimize civilian casualties.
"Not only can you not deliberately
target civilians, but you can't target military objectives if you reasonably
expect there'll be excessive civilian
casualties," Cassel said. "In
this case, there's no evidence that dropping a bomb on Santo Domingo did
them any good against the guerrillas, but
there's lots of evidence that
it did tremendous damage to civilians."