US global prestige at risk if old CIA files are opened in defense of accused plotters.
Warren Richey
Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
MIAMI
The US intelligence community spent a good portion of the 1960s trying
to dream up methods of doing away with Cuban
dictator Fidel Castro.
Some of them were downright silly: poison cigars, a Mob contract, a lethal wet suit, and even an exploding seashell.
But now seven men accused of launching their own assassination plot
in 1997 are hoping the mere threat of exposing secrets of
the Central Intelligence Agency's anti-Castro efforts will win them
get-out-of-jail-free cards.
A federal judge will ultimately determine whether the CIA secrets may
be relevant to the accused plotters' trial. Some experts
say such a ruling is unlikely. But they add that should the judge rule
in favor of disclosure, the resulting testimony could be a
devastating blow to US prestige internationally, particularly at a
time when Washington is seeking to establish itself as the
world's leading antiterrorist policeman.
"There is not just a can of worms involved here, there is a case of
many cans of worms that would be terribly embarrassing to
the administration," says Larry Burns, the director of the Council
on Hemispheric Affairs in Washington.
Mr. Burns says that if the judge in the Castro assassination plot case
permits inquiry into past anti-Castro schemes and covert
operations, the US Justice Department and the White House would have
little choice but to drop all charges against the current
defendants. "All the Cuban accusations of [US-backed] conspiracies
- like germ warfare - probably are all true, and the
administration would not want to be in a position of having to admit
that," Burns says.
Any effort to expose past CIA anti-Castro efforts in the trial would
be bolstered should it turn out that some or all of the recent
plotters were once trained in assassination tactics by the CIA.
In the same way that Osama bin Laden has come back to haunt the US after
waging successful CIA-backed covert operations
in Afghanistan in the 1980s, so, too, might the CIA's anti-Castro contacts
of the 1960s come back to bite the Clinton
administration, analysts say.
The ultimate irony, analysts say, is that such trial tactics would most
benefit one man - Fidel Castro. "It would provide a
propaganda coup for Fidel Castro. He will play the victim," says José
Cardenas, a Washington-based spokesman for the
Cuban American National Foundation.
'It would provide a
propaganda coup for
Fidel Castro. He will
play the victim.'
- José Cardenas,
Cuban American
National Foundation
The seven men, all members of the Cuban exile community in the US, were
indicted Aug. 25 on charges that they conspired to
use two high-powered sniper rifles to gun down the Cuban president
as he arrived for a November 1997 summit of Latin
leaders on a Venezuelan island in the Caribbean.
The would-be assassins were arrested in Puerto Rico prior to the summit,
after their aged yacht began taking on water and they
were forced to call the Coast Guard for help. US officials found the
sniper rifles hidden on board.
Analysts say the case is significant because it holds the potential
of discrediting the Cuban American National Foundation. The
exile-run lobbying group has been the driving force behind the US embargo
of Cuba.
Critics of the hard-line policy have long suspected foundation members
were secretly supporting efforts to kill or overthrow
Castro. They say they are hopeful that the assassination case will
erode the foundation's credibility in Washington.
"When you have a bunch of people who are charged with this kind of blatant
crime, then it becomes more difficult for members
of Congress and White House people to associate with them so closely,"
says Jane Franklin, author of the book "Cuba and the
United States: A Chronological History."
One of the alleged plotters is a member of the foundation's executive
committee, and the foundation's president owned one of
the sniper rifles.
Foundation officials deny any link to the alleged assassination attempt
or any other violent anti-Castro efforts. But, nonetheless,
they are critical of the US decision to prosecute the alleged plotters.
"These indictments are politically motivated," says Mr. Cardenas.
He questions how the US government could prosecute Cuban exiles for
undertaking activities in line with the CIA's own efforts
in the 1960s.
Many of the rules for covert US operations have changed during the past
three decades, including a ban on the assassination of
foreign leaders.
In addition, public attitudes are softening toward Cuba.
Michael O'Heaney, director of the Cuba program at the San Francisco-based
human rights group Global Exchange, says the
exiles' possible CIA defense might backfire with an American public
unsympathetic to a plot against a leader it does not
consider to be a threat.
"It is something that might have worked in the 1980s or even the early
1990s, but there is a change of perception about the
situation in Cuba," he says.
Sandra Levinson runs the Center for Cuban Studies in New York. She says
the apparent US crackdown against Cuban exiles
is long overdue.
A new wave of violent attacks planned in Miami and waged in Cuba have
been under way since 1992, she says, including a
hotel bombing campaign last summer.
"How long can we continue to talk about being on the front lines of
stopping terrorism and let these Cuban exiles get away with
doing what they were doing?" Ms. Levinson asks.