BY NANCY SAN MARTIN

  CARACAS - The road to reconciliation in this troubled nation remains bumpy and hazardous two weeks after the strike that led to a violent outburst and
  the brief ouster of President Hugo Chávez.

  Since order was restored following the four days of violence that briefly swept the president from office, the streets of Caracas have returned to relative
  calm. But tempers continue to flare inside public buildings during debates over how to mend a fractured nation.

  Among the promising gestures that have taken place: a public apology by Chávez, his call for unity and dialogue, and a promise to be inclusive with all
  segments of the population. As evidence of his commitment, the president has held private meetings with members of institutions he alienated, including
  the business sector and church.

  The National Assembly recently approved the creation of an independent commission to support and monitor government investigations into the violence
  of April 11-14. A Truth Commission also is underway and lawmakers are preparing to modify 17 of 49 presidential decrees that helped fuel the turmoil.

  Today, Chávez is expected to announce a Cabinet restructuring which may include the appointment of a new vice president.

  But amid the calls for national dialogue and consensus-building, many are still focused on placing blame for the political turmoil. They are demanding
  justice for the deaths of 68 people and the widespread looting that caused an estimated $226 million in damage and left 80,000 people jobless.

  Despite the efforts to resolve the conflict and Chávez's words of contrition, few are convinced that reconciliation is still possible in a nation of 24 million
  that has been teetering on the edge of chaos for the past year.

  `MUCH CONFUSION'

  ''The truth is we are still in a moment of much confusion,'' said Carlos Fernández Pérez, the new president of Fedecámaras, Venezuela's business owners'
  association that has organized work stoppages, including the one on April 11 that set off violence and led to the brief ouster of Chávez the following day.

  ''There is still a lot of turmoil,'' Fernández said. ``The situation in Venezuela is very grave, not only politically but economically.''

  Those in control say they have faith the nation will stay on the right course and that Chávez will maintain his new, democratic-style demeanor.

  ''I perceive that Chávez is sincere,'' said William Lara, president of the National Assembly, where members of Chávez's party hold the majority. ``Some
  may think this is all theatrics to gain time and reconsolidate power, but I think that it is authentic. We must reconstruct a relationship within a climate of
  trust.''

  Chávez's opponents remain wary. They do not accept the government's commitment to change at face value, and some political groups are pushing for
  new elections.

  While the president's softened attitude is welcomed, opponents say, it is time for swift, concrete action.

  `IN AN ABYSS'

  ''The country is in an abyss,'' Fernández said. ``I don't think society will wait too long to either approve of whatever progress is made or reclaim their
  demands.''

  The challenges are daunting. Improving the economy, most agree, is fundamental to resolving the political crisis. The government also must make a dent
  in the rising unemployment rate and launch a campaign to disarm the population, a portion of which resorted to the use of handguns during the protests.

  Analysts say that Chávez also must keep his belligerent personality in check. If the 47-year-old former paratrooper reverts to his former confrontational
  leadership style, he will not last through the end of his term, due to expire in 2006.

  CRUCIAL PERIOD

  The next three months are crucial for the path to reconciliation.

  The first litmus test will come May 1, when demonstrations are planned as part of the annual Día de los Trabajadores [labor day] rally where workers
  publicly air their gripes. Participants are generally viewed as Chávez opponents. A counter-rally by Chavistas [Chávez supporters] is planned for the same
  day.

  The Inter-American Commission for Human Rights also is scheduled to visit Venezuela in May.

  By the end of June, the National Assembly will be expected to have completed the modification of 17 presidential decrees, which have led to discontent
  within the private sector and were the basis for work stoppages. Assembly leaders have promised to complete the process within 60 days.

  In July, the annual military promotion cycle kicks in. The population will be watching to see who Chávez keeps on the military payroll and who gets kicked
  out.

  ''Within three months, we'll know whether this is just a brief honeymoon or not,'' said one analyst who did not want to be identified.

  Simón Jiménez, vice president of the National Assembly, said passage of the modified laws will not be a problem. Dissent over the measures centers on
  an agricultural plan that would open the door to land confiscation, a fishing bill that makes concessions to small fishermen and a hydrocarbons measure
  that would require the state-owned oil company to hold a majority stake in all future joint ventures with private companies.

  ''Many errors have been committed, we recognize that,'' Jiménez said. ``We are ready to rectify and modify. We have the votes to make this a reality.''

  Venezuela's military also has lost credibility. Questions abound about its loyalty -- to the government and the population.

  Division within military ranks became apparent during the uprising. Some high-ranking military officials backed the ouster of Chávez while others
  conspired to reinstate him. The dynamics of exactly what happened that day between rank and file remains cloudy and division apparently persists.

  ''Many of the middle ranking officers are upset with the generals who made Chávez come back,'' said retired rear Admiral Mario Iván Carratú Molina.

  In order for Venezuela to move forward, analysts said, society must give the government time to meet its objectives.

  ''I don't think the opposition has a choice but to give Chávez an undeserved last opportunity,'' said Miguel Díaz, a Washington analyst with the Center for
  Strategic and International Studies. ``I think Chávez really wants to do well by Venezuela. I think he's well-intentioned. He's just misguided.''

  Said Jiménez of the National Assembly: ``The problem is not Chávez. The problem is those who are more Chavista than Chávez.''

  Special correspondent Christina Hoag contributed to this report.