Politics: The nation remains tense as pressure mounts on the populist leader to quit. The elite are hampering his efforts to help the poor, he says.

By T. CHRISTIAN MILLER
Times Staff Writer

CARACAS, Venezuela -- President Hugo Chavez on Friday faced his most serious challenge since coming to power, after a week of tumultuous protests that
spurred calls for his removal from civic leaders, military officials and ordinary folks.

Coup rumors have surged, and blood-red graffiti calling for Chavez's death have popped up on the sides of major highways. The mayor of Caracas even asked the
Roman Catholic Church to conduct an exorcism of the former coup leader.

"He has demons in his body and is making a hell of everything," said Alfredo Peña, the Caracas leader who has emerged as Chavez's most strident, and colorful,
critic. He added: "The street is going to take Chavez out. He is an autocrat."

A populist who has seen his popularity plummet in recent months, Chavez has responded to the unrest by launching sharp rhetorical attacks against his opponents that
have deeply divided the country.

As his support dropped from a high of 92% after he took office in 1999 to about 35% in December, the former military paratrooper blamed his declining appeal on
"the squalid ones"--Venezuela's wealthy elite.

'The True Poll Is in the Streets'

In fiery, four-hour speeches, he has told impoverished supporters bused in from hamlets and cities around the country that the rich, the church, business and the
media have become obstacles to his attempts to make life better for the poor.

"Some sectors are trying to create the idea that Chavez is done, that the revolution of Chavez is in the ground, that there's a great collective frustration and now
people are ready to take out Chavez," he said at a news conference this week. "The true poll is in the streets."

The great clash of social and political forces that began last year has rent Venezuelan society, creating two camps: those for Chavez and those against him.

Chavez, who has five years remaining in his term, still clearly retains the support of many of Venezuela's poorest people, who see him as a paladin fighting corruption
that stems from 40 years of power-sharing between Venezuela's two major political parties.

But the opposition, while fueled by the wealthy and middle class, also contains a significant number of the poor, who find themselves without work, opportunity or
hope three years after Chavez took power.

The vehemence and frequency of the protests have raised worries about the stability of Venezuela, the third-largest supplier of oil to the United States.

'A Case Study in Political Suicide'

CIA Director George J. Tenet expressed worry over the country's future in testimony to Congress this week. And Secretary of State Colin L. Powell reiterated
long-held criticism about Chavez's penchant for visiting controversial foreign leaders such as Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.

"He is becoming more and more isolated, both domestically and internationally," said Anibal Romero, a political analyst who has urged civil groups to peacefully force
Chavez's resignation. "He is secluded in his bunker, surrounded by sycophants.

"What we are seeing is a case study in political suicide," he said.

Chavez's popularity began to slip in July, mirroring a decline in oil prices. The weakness in oil, long the backbone of Venezuela's economy, spooked both the rich and
the poor, who count on petroleum tax revenue to fund government programs.

"This is an oil country. If the price of oil becomes unstable, so does the political system," said Luis Vicente Leon, director of Datanalisis, one of the country's leading
polling firms.

Opposition sharply increased last fall after Chavez took the first steps to realize his left-leaning "revolution." Chavez, a fan of Cuban President Fidel Castro, China's
Mao Tse-tung and leftist revolutionary Che Guevara, is seeking to create a still ill-defined political system somewhere between socialism and free-market capitalism.

He enacted two controversial laws with special powers granted to him by the unicameral National Assembly, which is controlled by his political party, the Fifth
Republic Movement.

One law provided for greater state control of oil contracts. The second, a land reform law, allowed the government to use powers of eminent domain to seize
unproductive land for redistribution to the poor.

In December, union and business leaders joined forces in a one-day strike that paralyzed much of the country. In January, opposition forces gathered for a massive
march. That protest was answered with a counterdemonstration by Chavez supporters the same day, filling Caracas' streets.

A Parade to Mark a Failed Coup

The discontent seemed to come to a head this week as popular disgust grew over Chavez's four-day tour through Venezuela to celebrate the failed coup he led 10
years ago as a lieutenant colonel in the Venezuelan army. Seventeen people died during the insurrection, including several civilians.

Donning a red military beret, Chavez triumphantly arrived in Caracas, the capital, on Monday to commemorate the anniversary as a national holiday.

"The people have regained their happiness--it shines in all parts, in their smiles, everywhere. They have optimism. That didn't exist 10 years ago, before Feb. 4,"
Chavez said, explaining that the coup was the beginning of his "Bolivarian" revolution, named for legendary South American liberator Simon Bolivar, a Chavez
favorite.

But the celebration turned out to be another divisive stroke. Politicians were puzzled by a parade for a violent overthrow, no matter how corrupt the government.
Military officials accompanying Chavez as he toured the country seemed slightly uncomfortable as the president paid homage to fallen fellow rebels.

In upscale eastern Caracas, a few thousand protesters gathered Monday in a tony park square surrounded by art galleries, gourmet restaurants and a Four Seasons
hotel with $300-a-night rooms.

There, men and women in designer clothes and gold jewelry wore all black as a sign of mourning for those who had died in the coup and in a second, bloodier coup
a few months later that Chavez allegedly helped support from his jail cell.

They beat pots and pans. Sport-utility vehicles and Mercedes-Benzes passed, horns honking, in a show of solidarity. Opposition members switched off the lights of
their homes, casting darkness over parts of the city.

"He has done a lot of damage to this country. It's worse than before," said Teresa Briceño, 45, who works in an art museum. One of her friends wore a headband
that proclaimed, "I'm a squalid one!"

A few miles away, in Caracas' filthy center, a far larger demonstration took place as Chavez backers flooded narrow streets in front of Miraflores, the presidential
palace, to show their support for their beleaguered leader.

Most had come by bus, many from small towns and villages hours away, brought by leaders of the Fifth Republic Movement. Racks of meat roasted on street
corners, prostitutes gathered outside motels to watch, and fireworks flared above.

Crammed shoulder to shoulder, the crowd, dressed mostly in red, paid rapt attention to Chavez during a two-hour address, than joined him in singing the national
anthem.

"We are here to defend the revolution," said Luis Fernando Rosales, a 29-year-old phone company worker. 'There's a conspiracy against us."

In the days that followed, airwaves and newspapers were filled with plans for a massive, weeklong general strike at the end of the month. Chavez supporters blamed
the country's wealthy elite for fomenting discord, saying they were threatened by Chavez's reforms.

"We are implementing changes to this country. That is going to cause clashes with the ruling elite," said Tarek William Saab, president of the National Assembly's
international relations committee.

Speculation about military discontent peaked Thursday, when Col. Pedro Vicente Soto, an air force officer, rose during a media forum to call for Chavez's
resignation, claiming that his views were shared by 75% of the military.

After leaving the forum, military police attempted to stop Soto as he drove along Caracas' major freeway. But motorists stopped and surrounded the police,
preventing them from taking Soto.

Soto then led an impromptu protest rally, again calling on Chavez to step down. He led a march to Chavez's home, where he was joined by a second officer from the
president's personal bodyguard.

"The president must go! What we are facing is a tyrant!" Soto screamed.

Chavez convened a Cabinet meeting Friday to discuss Soto's actions, even as top aides maintained the military was under control. They called Soto a lone wolf and
traitor, motivated by his being passed over for promotion to general.

Soto called for other military officers to join his protest, but there were no signs Friday that his call was heeded. Indeed, there were signs of normality as legions of
vacationers took off for celebrations this weekend to mark the beginning of Lent.

Still, the country remained tense. With neither Chavez opponents nor supporters offering to back down, there seemed no easy way out of the crisis.

"The exit is not clear," said Miguel Otero, director of El Nacional, one of the country's leading newspapers and a Chavez opponent. "There's no road that everyone
agrees to as the way to go."

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Special correspondent Christopher Toothaker contributed to this report.