Communist Threat to the United States Through The Caribbean

U.S. Senate Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary. 

May 3, 1960

TESTIMONY OF REV. FATHER EDUARDO AGUIRRE

Senator DODD. Your name and address, please. 

Mr. SOURWINE. Your full name is Eduardo AGUIRRE? 

Father AGUIRRE. Eduardo AGUIRRE. 

Mr. SOURWINE. And you are a priest of the Roman Catholic Church?

Father AGUIRRE. Did you say if I am what?

Mr. SOURWINE. You are a priest?

Father AGUIRRE. I am a priest, a Catholic priest.

Mr. SOURWINE. Yes. You were born in Camaguey Province?

Father AGUIRRE. In Camaguey Province, Cuba.

Senator DODD. Do you have any trouble understanding English? Would you prefer an interpreter?

Father AGUIRRE. No. I think I can understand.

Senator DODD. If you have any trouble, tell us. That is what we have an interpreter for.

Mr. SOURWINE. You attended the University of Camilas?

Father AGUIRRE. The University of Camilas, in Spain. Santander, in Spain.

Senator DODD. Try to keep your voice up, Father, if you can.

Mr. SOURWINE. You were ordained in Spain?

Father AGUIRRE. I was ordained in Spain, July 24, 1950.

Mr. SOURWINE. And what is your present assignment?

Father AGUIRRE. I am assistant pastor at St. Patrick's Church, Miami Beach, Fla.

Mr. SOURWINE. Have you been connected with churches in other cities in the United States?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes. I was also assistant pastor in West Palm Beach, St. Juliana Church in West Palm Beach, Fla., and Amarillo, Tex.

Mr. SOURWINE. Did you thereafter return to a church in Cuba?

Father AGUIRRE. I was assigned pastor at Batabanó, of Havana Province, Cuba, when I returned to Cuba in January 1959.

Mr. SOURWINE. Now, tell us what you found when you returned to Cuba. Was there a change in the atmosphere in Cuba?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, it was a change. It was the time for the triumph of the revolution and everybody was expecting the best for Cuba, for the Cuban people, from the revolution, and I think that most of the Cuban people were supporting and helping the revolution to have a good change, a political stability, to have freedom, to finish the troubles, some kind of civil war we have over there, and to improve the progress and the economic situation of our country. I think that by January the great majority, the large majority of the Cuban people were happy with the revolution and were expecting the best for Cuba by January when I returned to Cuba.

Mr. SOURWINE. Were you in Cuba during the Batista regime?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, yes, some few years. I came to this country in 1955. Now, not like a refugee, but anyway, I was speaking and doing my best against the Batista regime.

Mr. SOURWINE. You opposed the Batista regime?

Father AGUIRRE. I did.

Mr. SOURWINE. And was that responsible for your departure from Cuba?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, it was partly responsible for my departure. I didn't depart officially like a refugee but I have trouble in my town, in my parish, with some military men over there, with the lieutenant. in charge of the garrison, and then I decided and with the advice of my own bishop to leave the country, and to come to the United States.

Senator DODD. Just when did you leave? I would like to make that clear on the record. When was it you left Cuba?

Father AGUIRRE. That was in August 1955.

Senator DODD. You said it was with the advice of your bishop?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, with the advice of my bishop.

Senator DODD. Had there been complaints about you by the Batista government?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, military men of the Batista government, there was a complaint.

Senator DODD. Had you been criticizing the Batista administration? 

Father AGUIRRE. I was in some ways.

Senator DODD. And this is why you left Cuba, is it?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes. That is the reason I left Cuba..

Senator DODD. All right.

Mr. SOURWINE. Now, after you returned to Cuba in January of 1959, did you thereafter engage in activities against the Communists in Cuba?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, I did. When I-- 

Mr. SOURWINE. Tell us when that began and how it came about?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I was assigned pastor at Batabanó on February 10. As soon as I arrived to my parish--Batabanó is a fishing town in the west coast of Cuba opposed to Havana City, and as soon as I arrived to my town, I realized that the Communists had a big power, almost a control over the town. I don't think that they did much--they did very little for the triumph of the revolution, but they were ready after the fall of Batista to take over, especially the union, workers' union in my town.

In my parish there is a maritime union with 1,200 men, and the Communists in this union, there are no more than 60 or 70 among 1,200 people.

Mr. SOURWINE. Are you saying that 60 or 70 men took over a union of 1,200?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right. That is what happened in my town. And then they didn't celebrate any election, you know, to appoint the officials, the bosses of the union, and then they were trying, you know--Batabanó is a small town.

I was helping everybody. When they had some trouble, when they wanted to go to Havana to get something from the Government, you know, for the improvement of the town, they used to call me. I went there, I talked for them, and I had influence, of course, like a priest, like a pastor, and they considered myself also like a revolutionary.

I don't think the priest could be called exactly a revolutionary, but anyway they thought this way and as soon as possible I realized the big influence of the Communists over there, and I started immediately to preach to big conferences, to write articles about the Communists, the tenure of the Communists, about the Communist doctrine and also with a group of friends belonging to the 26th of July Movement, I tried to form a new staff, a new directive for the union, you know, and I tried to get everything through to get the celebration of new elections in the union.

And I have a lot of trouble with these--fighting with the Communists.

First of all, I went to the Labor Minister, to Havana, to get completely informed about the situation of the maritime union in Batabanó, and I went also to the CTC. This is the national confederation of the workers, in Cuba, and I have the support of these two institutions, the Labor Ministry and the National Confederation of Labor, of the workers.

But anyway, they send three times inspectors to the union to fig up everything and to prepare the union to have a new election.

So I was sure, if we could have an election, the Communists would not be able to stay there any more because they were a small minority--60 or 70 among 1,200 workers. And we have several incidents with them. The inspector going to the union three times, they started fighting and making trouble and shooting.

The last time, the inspector of the Labor Ministry was taken to prison. He was fined $400 and then he went back to Havana after 3 days in prison and he went to the television, to the radio, and he explained the very strange situation in Batabanó. After a few days he came back to Batabanó to see me and told me, "Father, I won't be able to do anything else because the day after I talked by television, I was called by Raul Castro and he told me that he didn't want to hear any word, anything else about the Communists in Batabanó because in Cuba it is not possible to attack the communism."

That is what Raul Castro, Fidel's brother, told this gentleman. He said, "I don't want you to say anything about this because here you are not able--nobody is able--to attack, to oppose the Communist doctrine, and after that this man kept the same position, the boss of the union who was the boss of the Communist Party in Batabanó.

Mr. SOURWINE. Who was that?

Father AGUIRRE. His name is Manuel Rua Romano. He was trying to get elected mayor in Batabanó on two different occasions, and he was always the boss of the Communist Party in Batabanó. As everybody knows, he was an open Communist, you know. And after that, this man was assigned a general inspector of the maritime union in Cuba. That is the price he got.

Mr. SOURWINE. You mean he got a government job?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right. More than he had in Batabanó. He was appointed general inspector of the labor, of the maritime unions in Cuba, in all the islands, in the 43 maritime unions in Cuba.

Mr. SOURWINE. Who replaced him as head of the union in Batabanó?

Father AGUIRRE. He stood over there also. I think he was working the two jobs at the same time. And they have control. I couldn't say anything else against the Communists. They used to accuse me for being anti?Communist and they used to accuse me for being also pro-American, because I know this country, the life, and the wonderful things you have here, and I used to talk with my friends about the United States, the organization, the freedom, the wonderful things

I knew myself in this country. And I was for this reason, especially for these two reasons, for being anti?Communist, you know, speaking openly against the Communists and speaking in favor of many wonderful things you have here-?I was accused of being counterrevolutionary.

Mr. SOURWINE. Who accused you?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, the people belonging to the 26th of July Movement in Batabanó--they were accusing me. They didn't greet me any more. They used to be my friends. They used to go once in a while to the church. They used to call me for everything important.. They had to consult me, to go with them to Havana to get something from the government?and after that they didn't greet me any more and they accused me of that..

They were spying on me even during the day, and also during the night.

Mr. SOURWINE. Do you know the meaning of the word "ostracism"?

Father AGUIRRE. The meaning of--

Mr. SOURWINE. Ostracism.

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, I know.

Mr. SOURWINE. You mean to tell us it is cause for ostracism in Cuba if you are pro-American?

Father AGUIRRE. Oh, yes. I am sure. I was--I had to go through this ostracism myself.

Mr. SOURWINE. Go ahead.

Senator KEATING. May I inquire at this point, Mr. Chairman?

You spoke of their spying on you. What form did that spying take?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, they were spying on me from 12 in the night, midnight, until the morning. They used to say in the town that I was having conspiracy meetings. That was not the truth. I never had in the night nor even in the day any conspiracy meetings with nobody.

They were accusing me that I used to salute, to say "hello" to everybody in town; and they didn't want me or anybody else to say "hello" to a person who used to have some contact, some relation with the Batista regime; and that is against my priesthood condition. I was a pastor.

I have the right and the obligation to attend everybody, to talk to everybody, even to visit some of the families when they call me to pay attention to a sick person or for something else because I was the pastor for everybody, and they wanted me to keep away from all--any other people who used to have some relation or contact with the Batista regime.

Senator KEATING. In other words, they asked you as a priest of the church to stop any contact with anyone who did not have their political principles ?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right. That is what they were trying to do and I didn't go through this way because I was first a priest and a pastor for all my parishioners. I could have any private sympathy with the revolution, as I have, but I was a pastor for everybody and I had the obligation to pay attention to everybody in my own parish.

Senator COTTON. May I ask one question, Mr. Chairman?

Before you left Cuba the first time, because of the military members of the Batista regime, were you in this same community, in this same church?

Father AGUIRRE. No, sir. I was in Camaguey Province in another town, in some other parish, and when I came back to Cuba in 1959, I went to the Havana Province and I was--

Senator COTTON. I see.

Father AGUIRRE. I was appointed to Batabanó. It is a town of Havana Province.

Senator COTTON. Now, when you said a moment ago that those who had been your friends before ceased to speak with you, to you­-

Father AGUIRRE. Yes.

Senator COTTON. You didn't mean that they had been your friends back in the days when you were opposing Batista. You mean--

Father AGUIRRE. No.

Senator COTTON. They were your friends when you first came to this new parish?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right. They were my friends when I first came to this new parish because they knew that I was a very good sympathizer of the revolution and I was helping the revolution from here, from the United States, with the Cubans, you know, advising them and doing the best I could for the Cuban exiles.

Senator COTTON. I don't question that statement. But how did they know it in this new parish that you came to? How did they know of your previous opposition to the Batista regime?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, because through many people going there to see me, you know, some of the top revolutionary men knew me from here and they used to go there and, you know, they were talking with other people.

Also there were some publications in the papers about me, you know. There were several ways to know that.

Senator COTTON. Thank you.

Senator DODD. The fact was quite well known that you were a supporter of Castro?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right. It was quite well known that I was a supporter of the revolution--not only of Castro, because Castro is not the revolution. I think that the revolution was--the big majority of the Cuban people want to change the condition under the Batista regime.

Senator DODD. He was the leader of it, wasn't he? Castro was the leader?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, that is right. Castro was the leader and I think still a leader over there.

Mr. SOURWINE. Why did you leave Cuba to come back to the United States this last time?

Father AGUIRRE. Why did I leave?

Mr. SOURWINE. Why did you leave? Yes.

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I was complaining about all these conditions and I was afraid--they were threatening me. I was afraid they could get me involved in any conspiracy because they were taking several prisoners in my town.

One time they took about 40 men. Many of them were my friends. They used to talk to me and go to church and some of them didn't belong to any Catholic association I had over there and I was very afraid because the. ostracism you were talking about--they were improving this ostracism.

For example, I had my car over there, my automobile, and I didn't have a garage. I had to let it outside the church and I used to go to Havana once a week and most of the time when I go into Havana, when I come back, there is a garrison in the entrance of town and they were searching my car. They knew I was the priest, I was the pastor, and they were searching my car, looking, I think, for weapons or for antigovernment propaganda, something like that. I used to tell them, "What for are you searching my car? I don't have--I never used a weapon in my life and I don't have to have any weapons."

But anyway, I was afraid some day they were going to put some weapons in the back of my car when I go to Havana in the morning so they could search my car and find some weapons. I couldn't give any reason for that.

Mr. SOURWINE. I want to get this clear for the record. Are you saying you were merely afraid of being threatened or are you saying you were afraid because you had been threatened? Were you in fact threatened by anybody?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes; I was in fact threatened by several people. And I was--as I tell you, they would search my car. That was a disrespect for me, you know. And they didn't trust me any more because when I was entering the town, or going away, they stopped me and they were searching my car.

Mr. SOURWINE. Do you remember telling us in executive session that there was a Communist campaign against you, personally?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes. There was.

Mr. SOURWINE. Explain that, would you, please?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, that was when we were preparing the election in the labor union. The Communists, with all these ways they have, you know, to get the thing they want--they didn't celebrate the election. They did celebrate the election but by themselves, like they do in the Communist countries. They didn't have any opposite party, you know, for the election, the labor union, and they celebrate the election I remember the 24th of May 1959; and after the election they got a mob in front of my church in the park of Batabanó and they were crying that they were going to burn the church and they were crying, about 150 of them, that they are going to hang the priests.

They said "We have to go in and we have to bring you here to, the park--to hang them here in the public park." I was still afraid myself. I said, well, if they do it, everybody in the world is going to know the real situation of the Communists in Cuba. The Communists, they have to threaten anybody, even a priest, and I opened the door of my church--it was about 7:30 in the night.

The sacristan, the man who is in charge of doing the things in the church, he came and said, "Father, will we ring the bells for the rosary?" We used to have the rosary every night. I said, "Yes, go ahead, open the door and light the candles, have the light on, and ring the bells," and then the policeman--they put two men with rifles in the front of my church, in the front of the main door.

That means--I didn't ask for that but that means that they were afraid, the authority, that the Communists meant it when they said they are going to the church and they are going to burn it and are going to do some damage to me--that they were afraid that they wanted to do it. And then, after a while, I was inside and they were crying, shouting, "Let's hang the priest and let's burn the church," and there was a very real tension in town.

I have many friends with me around who would say, "Father, we are ready to fight and to die if they dare to come into the church." But after a while they went away and I went out and nothing happened.

Mr. SOURWINE. Was it shortly after this that you decided to come to the United States?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I was decided shortly after that. I was decided to come to the United States, but anyway I was fighting that the situation could change, you know, because the big majority of the Cuban people is Catholic--Christian. They like the freedom, democracy, the respect for everybody, the law and the order. I think that everything will be straightened out after a while.

We cannot go ahead with this situation, with the control of the Communists everywhere, with the power they have, and I was expecting until--I was supposed to come before November but we have a wonderful congress, a great Catholic congress in Havana by the end of November, and I wanted to stay there to see how the people would manifest their faith because this congress was the public in a real manifestation of about a million people, 1 million people, against the Communists; and that was the cry of the people in the congress.

"Democracy, yes; Communists, no." That was the public cry over there. And then I came after the congress, immediately.

Mr. SOURWINE. Father, did you come with the approval of your bishop this time as you did the first time?

Father AGUIRRE. I did come with the approval of my own bishop in Havana.

Mr. SOURWINE. Do you remember the information you gave us about the organization of juvenile patrols, boys of teen age?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right.

Mr. SOURWINE. Tell us about that.

Father AGUIRRE. I remember.

Well, this organization is trying to introduce in the minds of the young people even the children 13, 10, 14 years old--the absolute obligation to obey the party. I mean the leader, because when they say "the party," they say "the leader, Fidel Castro."

And they try to influence their minds so that they will be devoted completely to everything coming from the leader. And even though they used to indoctrinate those children and young, very young people, that they have to obey the government, the movement, rather than obey their own parents, their own church or anybody else. And I am sure that this is a Communist and totalitarian doctrine, you know, that they are trying to indoctrinate the young people with these ideas, to obey without any doubt any suggestion of the leader.

"Maximo Lider," as they called him.

Also they are indoctrinated to spy in their family, their parish, everybody around them.

Mr. SOURWINE. To spy on their own family?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, and I know a case--I don't have the name. The priest that came visiting from Cuba about 2 months ago, he gave me the case, with the number, with the name, of one child who was about 13 or 14 years old in Oriente Province and he accused his grandfather of talking against the government, and then this grandfather was sent to the prison. That was the effect of the indoctrination that this grandchild accused his grandfather of hearing some talk against the revolution or against the Government.

Mr. SOURWINE. Did the Castro government ever attack the church?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I think he did. As far as his going--as far as he went away with these ideas

Mr. SOURWINE. Pardon me, Father. Don't you remember telling us in executive session that Castro never attacked the church?

Father AGUIRRE. Never attacked

Mr. SOURWINE. Yes.

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I said he never attacked openly. I mean he didn't say never: "Well, we don't want to have the church any more. We don't want to have any more priests." He didn't do it openly because he is smart to do that and he knows that most of the people, the great majority have a, good Christian sentiment, especially Catholic because most of the people in Cuba are Catholic, and he never attacked openly.

But he had been attacking the church several other ways, not strictly openly. He has been attacking his priests, anyway, after these declarations I told you, he has been attacking priests and even bishops in the official newspaper. If there are any priests or any bishops who would dare to say anything against the Government, it would be considered like a criminal of?war , like a man sold to the American interest, like a Trujillista, like a nonpriest anymore. They would call any priest, any bishop who would dare to say something publicly in Cuba against the Government.

And about 2 weeks ago, one priest, Father Vasco Guevara, he used to write for the paper--some few articles about the socialization of Cuba. He never attacked--I read all his articles. He never attacked openly the Government but he was criticizing something, you know.

Mr. SOURWINE. Thank you, Father.

Do you have any information respecting the intentions of the Communist Party in Cuba as regards the United States?

Father AGUIRRE. Any intention about--

Mr. SOURWINE. Do you have any information about what the Communist Party in Cuba intends or how they regard the United States?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, they regard--I think the Communist Party, the policy, not only in Cuba but all Latin America, since 1956 is to discredit the United States, to go to make trouble between the United States and the Latin American countries, to raise the anti--American sentiments, and that is the campaign that you should know, I am sure, the "Hate America" campaign they are getting in Cuba. You know, everything wrong that happened in Cuba or happened in any other country in Latin America, they will blame systematically the United States. That is the campaign they have in Cuba.

The Government has that in Cuba. And that is the campaign of the Communists in all Latin American countries.

Mr. SOURWINE. Father Aguirre, do you. have any information about the Prensa Latina, the Latin American press agency in Cuba?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes; I had information that this Prensa Latina is a Communist-controlled agency.

Mr. SOURWINE. From where do you get that information?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I got this information through one person inside the Prensa Latina, through another priest. You know that I couldn't say his name, you know, because he is still in Cuba. He gave me the names of the top officers, of the men running the Prensa Latina and their relation to the Communist Party, all their background you know, and this Prensa Latina is a Communist agency in complete contact with Prague in Czechoslovakia.

They kept a relationship in cables and in code with Prague, receiving information and everything they want to say, you know. And the general policy of the Prensa Latina is to present all the news, even the more insignificant ones, against the United States, and to present all the troubles that there are in this country, like anywhere else. You know, if there are racial troubles, discrimination, they want to make a great propaganda about that, to discredit this country, in all the news, even the more insignificant. That is the purpose of the Prensa Latina.

Mr. SOURWINE. What were the names given you as the top Communists in Prensa Latina?

Father AGUIRRE. What?

Mr. SOURWINE. You said that certain names were given to you as the top Communists in Prensa Latina, if I understood you correctly. What were those names?

Father AGUIRRE. You want me to say the name?

Mr. SOURWINE. No. I understood you could not give the name of your informer.

Father AGUIRRE. No.

Mr. SOURWINE. You couldn't tell who told you?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right.

Mr. SOURWINE. But I understood you to say he had given you the names of persons who were top Communists in Prensa Latina.

Father AGUIRRE. Yes.

Mr. SOURWINE. Can you give us those names?

Father AGUIRRE. I think I have it here. Let me see. I don't think I have it. I gave it already.

Senator DODD. You gave us the names of people who are not Cubans who are in this Prensa Latina. The informer gave you that.

Father AGUIRRE. He didn't give the name.

Senator DODD. Was the name Masetti?

Father AGUIRRE. Well--

Senator DODD. Do you know that?

Father AGUIRRE. He is the executive chief of the Prensa Latina.

Senator DODD. Well, who is he? Who were you told he is?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, he is an Argentinian, Communist, Peronist. He is the chief, I mean, the executive chief of the Prensa Latina, this Masetti.

Senator DODD. You said you were told he was an Argentine Communist?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right. Peronist.

Senator DODD. And he is now an official of the Latin Press Agency?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right.

Senator KEATING. Mr. Chairman, in other words, he was a supporter of Peron?

Father AGUIRRE. Of Peron.

Senator KEATING. When Peron left he became an active Communist?

Father AGUIRRE. That is correct.

Air. SOURWINE. Do you know the name Modica?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes. He is one of the men also, the top men in the Prensa Latina.

Senator DODD. Tell us, who is he? What were you told about Modica?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I don't--I have a few of the more important details, you know, that he was born--he was a Communist, but I don't have the complete information about him, you know. I couldn't tell you too many details. I think I give you already the details I had.

Mr. SOURWINE. Did you know a man named Padilla?

Father AGUIRRE. Padilla? Yes, I do.

Mr. SOURWINE. He is also with the Prensa Latina?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, he is.

Mr. SOURWINE. Was he also identified to you as a Communist?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes.

Mr. SOURWINE. Panamanian Communist?

Father AGUIRRE. A Panamanian Communist.

Air. SOURWINE. Did you know the names Pastor Valdes, Jose Pardo, Gabriel Molina, and Antonio Fernandez?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes.

Mr. SOURWINE. Were they connected with Prensa Latina?

Father AGUIRRE. They are.

Mr. SOURWINE. Were they identified to you as Cuban Communists

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, they are.

Mr. SOURWINE. Do you know where the meeting place of the Communist Party is, in Havana?

Father AGUIRRE. They have, I think, the meeting in the building of the Prensa Latina. The center of contact among all Communists in Cuba.. You know that there are many Communists, officers and engineers and politicians, from China, Russia, Yugoslavia, in Cuba; Czechoslovakia. They used to have the meeting at the Prensa Latina Building in Havana.

Senator DODD. Father, let me ask you a couple of questions. Lot me ask you first a general question.

Is it a fair summary of your testimony now, as I state it, that you were a Catholic priest in Cuba; you were opposed to Batista, and this was well known under the Batista government? Is that right?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right.

Senator DODD. So you had to leave Cuba and you came to the United States?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right.

Senator DODD. You supported the Castro revolution from the United States as well as you could?

Father AGUIRRE. I did.

Senator DODD. Before the takeover by Castro.

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, I did.

Senator DODD. Thereafter you returned to Cuba in January of 1959?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes.

Senator DODD. You found that Communists were very active in Cuba?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right.

Senator DODD. They gave you a hard time, made it difficult for you to carry on your priestly activities?

Father AGUIRRE. You are right.

Senator DODD. You observed their activities in labor unions?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right.

Senator DODD. The Prensa Latina Agency, and where they indoctrinated the youngsters who had been spying on their parents and on other people--

Father AGUIRRE. That is right.

Senator DODD. All right. And you have told us that you believe and have been informed that certain people in this press agency are Communists?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, I do.

Senator DODD. Now, let me ask you a question. Do you know of your own knowledge of any activities in Cuba at the present time that are directed against the United States?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I know the public activities, you know, the propaganda that--you want to know if I know of some special activities, but I don't really know if there is something special they are trying to do to the United States. I don't really know.

Senator DODD. Do you know of any Cuban Communist agents who are operating in the United States?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I do. I think all the agents of Fidel Castro in the United States are Communists.

Senator DODD. Well, do you know who they are?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes. Well, I think I know.

Senator DODD. Can you tell us?

Father AGUIRRE. The names?

Senator DODD. Yes.

Father AGUIRRE. I don't have the names in my mind now. I mean, I know some things in Miami, you know, in Florida, but not here. I know some of them in Cuba.. I think that the agent for Manuel Marquez--he is in charge of tourism in Cuba, and the chief of G-2 in Miami. He is in charge of all the agents, Communist agents, Fidelista agents in Miami. He is the boss of things, Manuel Marquez.

Mr. SOURWINE. Do you know where he lives in Havana?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I don't remember. It is known in Miami, you know. He has a tourist commission, Cuban Tourist Commission in Miami.

Mr. SOURWINE. Do you know his residence in Miami?

Father AGUIRRE. I don't remember the address. I think I would know if I were there, but I don't remember exactly the address.

Senator DODD. How would one go about locating him?

Father AGUIRRE. About locating him?

Senator DODD. About finding him.

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I think it is very easy through the Immigration in Miami, easy to locate him.

Mr. SOURWINE. Have you seen this man?

Father AGUIRRE. I have seen him; yes.

Mr. SOURWINE. Would you describe him?

Father AGUIRRE. Oh, yes. He is very well known in Miami.

Mr. SOURWINE. Describe him. Is he a tall man, dark?

Father AGUIRRE. He is a dark man, tall, like me, more or less, a dark man, about 40 years old, something like that, 37, 38.

Mr. SOURWINE. Is he clean shaven?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes.

Mr. SOURWINE. Does he have a moustache?

Father AGUIRRE. No; he doesn't have any moustache.

Senator DODD. Did you observe any activity on the part of Chinese Communists in Cuba?

Father AGUIRE. Yes. There is a--they have a lot of activity. I think they are imitating more--the Communist government in Cuba--the Chinese than the Russian. They are always praising the Chinese popular government, they call it; and they have a radio now, a station, an hour in Chinese language for the Chinese colony in Cuba; and they have a paper also, the Regla, in some town near Havana.

Senator DODD. They have a newspaper?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes, sir; a newspaper for the Communist Chinese. I have heard--I couldn't tell you the name, but several people, you know, who have been in contact with the Government, they used to find many foreigners there that are not American, because in Cuba if you don't talk English--but everybody understands when somebody is talking in English. They hear these same talking some other language, but not English. That is Russian, Chinese--you can recognize the Chinese through their face, you know, and Yugoslavian and Czechoslovakian, and especially Chinese Communists. There are many Chinese Communists in Cuba from China, even publicly.

They are always saying in the paper that they are receiving a mission of Chinese students, of the Chinese workers. They are always. And with this commission comes 20, 30 people. Who knows who they really are? They say that they are representatives of the students or the workers in China, but we don't know exactly who they are.

They know, of course.

Senator KEATING. Can you tell us anything further, Father, about the relation between the church and the Government? Have you given us all the information you have with reference to the Government's attitude toward the church?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I think I didn't give you all the information I have but I give some. Well, I think that the relation, as I told you first of all, you know that I am not talking in the name of the church in Cuba. I am talking in my own name. I don't represent anybody or any church in Cuba. I represent my own opinion.

And I think the relations are getting worse every day because it is impossible to get along with the Communists, this indoctrination, with these totalitarian ideas that there are in the propaganda, in the radio, in the television, in the paper, everywhere, you know. They are trying to make God a poor man, like Fidel. I think he is a poor man. The propaganda are trying to make him a god and that is against any religious sentiments, not only against the Catholic sentiments. And it is against God's idea to make a man God, and that is what--I think the relations are getting worse every day.

There has been taken some property of the church.

Senator KEATING. They have taken properties of the church?

Father AGUIRRE. They took already some properties of the church, farms, a few farms, censers, ecclesiastical censers, that is the kind of property the church has over there. And they were making a big propaganda to take over the Havana cemetery. The Havana cemetery belongs to the diocese of Havana, to the church. The money they are receiving for this property is to support the Seminary of Havana and some other orphanage. And there has been making a lot of propaganda through the radio to takeover the cemetery. I think they will take it pretty soon.

And, as far as I know, there are many--most of the priests, the great rnajority, they are very, very disappointed with this situation in Cuba. they are afraid to talk in public because if they talk in public against--I wouldn't say against the Government. Nobody would dare to say that over there.

But against communism, they won't be able to stay there. They will have to get away from Cuba.

Like happened to me, you know. Like happened to some other priests. If there is anybody talking publicly and frequently, with some frequence, against the Communists, against this indoctrination, the totalitarian Communist indoctrination to the young people, they won't be able to stay there any more and that is what they don't dare to talk in public but they talk in private, privately, with the other priests, with the parishioners, some other person.

Senator KEATING. Have you heard any officials of the Government express anti-American sentiments?

Father AGUIRRE. Oh, yes. The Maximo Lider, Fidel Castro, he is always expressing very anti-American sentiments. Always he is talking about the Americans and all the others, the official papers, the Revolucion, the official papers, and the other ministers, they are always blaming the United States for everything wrong in Cuba.

Senator KEATING. That is the official Government doctrine, not simply the Communists?

Father AGUIRRE. No, no. Official Government. Official Government doctrine, that is right.

Senator KEATING. You have spoken of the large number of Chinese agents there. Are there Russian agents in Cuba?

Father AGUIRRE. There are, too. Yes. But I think there are more Chinese than Russian.

Senator KEATING. And there are agents from other Communist countries?

Father AGUIRRE. Always. Especially from Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia.

Senator DODD. Senator Cotton?

Senator COTTON. Father, did you observe exactly how 60 or 70 members of that maritime union took over the control of 1,200? How did they go about it?

Father AGUIRRE. I didn't observe it because I wasn't there when they took over, but I knew it because everybody knew it in the town.

Senator COTTON. How did they do it?

Father AGUIRRE. In the 1st and 2d of January, the people, the young people, the revolutionaries, were taking care of the public order in the town, you know, and they were taking over the garrison and the Communists were taking care of the unions. They didn't do anything else. And that is what they did in Batabanó.

The boss of the Communists at the 1st of January was in Havana. He wasn't in Batabanó and as soon as he knew the Batista regime was out, it fell down, then he went to Batabanó directly to the labor union building, you know. And they brought--they came in and they took power of the union.

Senator COTTON. When the Batista government was overthrown

Father AGUIRRE. Yes.

Senator COTTON. Did the revolutionary high command assign certain people in certain communities to take over certain functions? In other words, was it the revolutionary command that assigned certain people to take over the police functions and then turned the Communists loose on the unions, or did it just happen locally?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, more or less I think there were some assignments, but in general was--a lot of confusion, and in this confusion the only people who knew what they wanted were the Communists. They went directly to the labor union.

Senator COTTON. That is very clear. Thank You.

Father AGUIRRE. They were very clear what they were after.

Senator COTTON. Now let me ask you this: Did you know of the existence of Communist cells or groups in Cuba while the Batista regime was still in power?

Father AGUIRRE. Yes. There were some Communist cells working in Cuba.

Senator COTTON. Were they fairly strong?

Father AGUIRRE. I don't think so. They were some by this time.

Senator COTTON. Were they Cubans, largely, or were they composed largely of non-Cubans, people from the outside?

Father AGUIRRE. At that time I think they were Cubans. They were only Cubans most of the time, I think.

Senator COTTON. Was it only since the coming of the Castro government that Argentine and Panamanian and Chinese and Russian Communists have come into Cuba ?

Father AGUIRRE. That is right. That was after Castro took over, not before.

Senator COTTON. Are the outside Communists effective in their propaganda with Cubans? Do they exercise quite an influence with Cubans?

Father AGUIRRE. They do. They exercise--they are having key positions, none very openly, you know, but in all the ministries there are some outsiders, foreigners, Communists, in key positions.

Senator COTTON. And how have they obtained those key positions?

Father AGUIRRE. Well, I think because the Government is Communist, because Fidel Castro is Communist himself; that is a policy they have. They have everything prepared this way, you know, to indoctrinate the other one, to control the minds and opinions of the other people in those jobs, in those positions.

Senator COTTON. I am not familiar with either the Spanish or Latin American languages, but is there a distinction or marked difference between the language of a resident of Argentina and a Cuban, for instance.

Father AGUIRRE. No. There is no essential distinction. For example, like the distinction between the English the United States speaks here and the English of England, you know. There are so many

Senator COTTON. Or the English of the South.

Father AGUIRRE. That is right. The North and the South. There is the same language. We can understand, we speak the same language in Argentina.

Senator KEATING. Or New England.

Senator COTTON. So there is no handicap in other Latin Americans coming in and seeking to convince and to win the Cubans to Communism.

Father AGUIRRE. No.

Senator COTTON. No handicap of language.

Father AGUIRRE. There is no handicap. We have one of the top names in the Government, Guevara; he is an Argentine. He is one of the most powerful men in Cuba.

Senator COTTON. How about the case of Europeans, or Asians, Russians, and Chinese?

Father AGUIRRE. Some of them know Spanish very well. I think they were all ready. They have a good knowledge of the language and some don't know but they have interpreters.

Senator COTTON. But they have been given positions of power to aid them and those positions have been given them by the Castro government?

Father AGUIRRE. The Government, that is right. You are right.

Senator COTTON. You are quite sure of that?

Father AGUIRRE. I am quite sure of that.

Senator KEATING. Have you actually observed, of your own knowledge, instances of that?

Father AGUIRRE. No. I didn't see myself. Batabanó, no other town, I didn't see them myself. But many other people, very responsible people, even some priests have told me about this man. Also, I tell you, for example, when they were in part of the Government, taxes to the church--now the church has to pay taxes in Cuba. They don't pay here and most of the countries, for the territory, for the church, for the schools and so forth. And when they were paying, they say the Treasury Ministry, they send a man to discuss with the lawyer of the archbishop, the diocese of Havana, about this problem, and the man with the power to discuss that was a Spaniard, a Communist Spaniard, was no Cuban, was a Communist in the civil war in Spain, a Communist Spaniard. He was the man with all the power and with the bishop and the lawyer of the diocese who was asking him, it wasn't good, because the church in Cuba is poor more or less. He said, "Well, why shouldn't you pay taxes when you receive a stipend or an offering, for example, for a mass, like anybody else. If you receive $2 for a stipend, you should pay taxes like anybody else." And he had all the power. This was a Spaniard Communist. He was not a Cuban. I know especially this man myself.

Senator COTTON. Thank you.

Mr. SOURWINE. No more questions, Mr. Chairman.

Senator DODD. Thank you very much, Father. We appreciate the fact you would come here and give us this testimony.

Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, I would like to call Father Juan Ramon O'Farril. Is Father O'Farril here?

Mr. Schroeder, is the Father coming?

Mr. SCHROEDER. The marshal in Miami notified us the day before yesterday that he had received his subpena.

Mr. SOURWINE. Would you check to see if he has reported in downstairs?

Mr. SCHROEDER. I Will.

Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, while this check is being made, I have here something for the record, anti-American propaganda of the comic book type of publication. I mean, the format. There is nothing comic about this publication, which is being widely circulated in Cuba.

I offer this for the file, for the record by reference, and I have here a few excerpts from it.

Senator KEATING. Before we do that, could we have counsel state the source of it, the basis of his statement that it is widely circulated in Cuba?

Senator DODD. Yes.

Mr. SOURWINE. The fact that it is widely circulated in Cuba is documented in various American publications. It has been referred to by name in, for instance, Life magazine, Tinge, the New York Times, and others. This particular copy was purchased on a street of Havana and it is on street corners, hawked on the corners, according to the committee's information.

Senator KEATING. Thank you.

Mr. SOURWINE. The publisher's note in the first of this volume reads¹ as follows

Note of the editors: With this second pamphlet of “Notes for a True History of Cuba the Foundation of the Popular Book has gathered two illustrated works of Jose Pardo Llada. One of them reveals, with a documentary precision, the episode of the explosion of the Maine, the "mysteries" of which come afloat as if after 60 years from the tragedy we had extracted from the bottom of the sea the remains of the famous battleship.

Another one--of present-day interest--tells in revolutionary prose of the unforgettable burial of the victims of "La Coubre" and then tells in a fiery statement all the Cuban reasons to determine the responsibilities of the United States in the repeated aggressions to the National Sovereignty. Both works--the same as the previous Pardo Llada work on Bartolome Maso and the First American Intervention--represent serious contributions to establish the historic truth of our relations with the United States.

And the excerpts show the nature of it, involving a charge that the United States blew up the Maine to start the Spanish-American War, that the United States blew up the ship in Havana Harbor.

Senator DODD. Very well, that will be received and marked in the record.

(The document referred to was received for the files of the committee. Additional excerpts read as follows:)

The explosion of February 15.--While in Washington the representatives of the nascent American economic imperialism (McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, Root, Long) were engaged in precipitating the intervention in the Cuban war, with the intention of annexing the island, the Spaniards, preoccupied with ironing out their differences with the already powerful Nation, were smoothing out, with all kinds of explanations, the diplomatic relations between the two countries, placed in jeopardy by the imprudence of Ambassador Depuy de Lome.

******

This was the state of affairs on February 15 at 9:45 p.m., when almost the entire crew of the USS Maine was aboard, with the exception of the ship's officers, and a terrible explosion occurred which caused the death of 266 men. The victims included 264 plain sailors-Negroes in their majority-and only two low-ranking officers. Almost none of the officers were aboard at that time3:45 p.m.--but were playing cards in distant residential homes in the Cerro, or attending a show at the "Teatro Albizu."

Some eyewitnesses stated that, when the officers of the Maine heard the explosion, they automatically looked at one another and called out: "It is the boat!"

Those who were at the "Teatro Albizu" rushed out seconds after the explosion, headed for the Caballeria Pier and cutting through Calle O'Reilly, certain that it was a disaster that had struck the unit to which they belonged.

******

As proved by these statements, the magnates of the American press and the Washington pro-Colonialism leaders had very little interest in Cuba or in its fight for Independence. They stated with brutal frankness that they needed the war "in order to sell more newspapers", or to "make better business deals."

******

Theodore Roosevelt, the great culprit.--The agitation initiated by the American press was followed by meetings and public acts promoted by the imperialistic political groups, under the slogan: "Remember the Maine."

******

The real culprits.--If it was not the Spaniards--as falsely stated in the Committee report--or the Cubans--as villainously claimed by Atkins--the question remained: Who was responsible for the sinking of the Maine?

Indubitably the warmonggering interests, which had incited the United States to intervene in Cuba.

Is it not significant that [only] hours after the explosion and at a distance of so many miles as between Havana and New York, the warmongering newspapers were publishing the same conclusions--an underwater mine--at which the Investigating Committee arrived a month later?

Is it not a piece of evidence that almost automatically, when the explosion of the Maine occurred, Under Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt placed the entire blame on the Spaniards and clamored for sending the entire fleet to Havana?

What was the reason for Theodore Roosevelt's insistent request, hours after the explosion, that McKinley not make any investigation of the disaster of the Maine?

What did the famous letter say that Capt. Sigsbee was writing, precisely to Roosevelt, at the very moment of the explosion?

To save whom did Capt. Sigsbee say shortly before he died that he never had stated his opinion as to who had destroyed the Maine?

******

And once the evidence had been exhausted, with the skill that could have been displayed only by the best lawyer, aided by the best expert in explosives--and it so happens that Fidel is a lawyer and that, besides, he had to turn into an expert on explosives in the Sierra Maestra--the tall, bearded man, at whom that cold north was hammering away, alone on the platform, without losing his composure and serenity in making his statement, was asking himself who might have been the one, or the ones, having arranged that crime, and, through a series of irrefutable deductions, even submitting such conclusive proof as the action [reaction?] of the United States Consul at Amberes, to learning about the shipment of arms to Cuba, established, clearly and courageously, the indubitable responsibility of the United States for this monstrous crime.

Mr. SOURWINE. Has Father O'Farril reported in downstairs?

Mr. SCHROEDER. No, sir; and the word has gone to Miami to see what happened.

Mr. SOURWINE. We are informed, Mr. Chairman, that Father O'Farril left Miami in response to his subpena to come here. I don't know why he has not arrived.

Senator DODD. Have you notified the proper authorities?

Mr. SOURWINE. I think perhaps that had better be done.

Senator DODD. Wasn't he harmed once before?

Mr. SOURWINE. He was very badly beaten by Batista agents and he was fearful there would be another attack.

Senator DODD. Is he another one of the Catholic priests who returned under Castro and had to leave again?

Mr. SOURWINE. Yes, sir.

Senator DODD. I think I would send out the word on that.

Senator KEATING. Do we know when he left?

Senator DODD. Do we know when he left, Mr. Schroeder?

Mr. SCHROEDER. No; we don't.

Senator DODD. You know he was served?

Mr. SCHROEDER. I know he was. The marshal notified him.

Senator DODD. And you expected him here this morning.

Mr. SCHROEDER. Yes, sir.

Senator DODD. We ought to find out if he did leave. My recollection was that he was one in particular that we wanted to hear.