Alemán probe tracks vast sums of money
Ex-leader tied to intricate schemes
BY JUAN O. TAMAYO
MANAGUA - In one of the poorest nations in the Western Hemisphere,
government investigators are accusing former President Arnoldo Alemán
of
misspending $96 million -- an amount equal to the entire annual
budget of Nicaragua's Health Department.
In the process, they have uncovered a bewildering maze of transactions
and payments that they say provide a rare glimpse into how government
corruption -- on a grand scale, in this case -- actually works
in a Latin American country.
Canceled checks show that part of that money went to five Alemán
associates, his daughter and sister, said investigators for the attorney
general's
office as they continue to delve into the various scandals linked
to Alemán.
Millions also flowed through a web of companies owned by an Alemán
ally -- one of them apparently controlled in part by former Miami-Dade
Commissioner Pedro Reboredo, who denied any link to the company.
If the charges are proved, they would be a powerful blow to a
country that has long felt the pain of official corruption. Half of Nicaragua's
five million
people live in poverty.
The attorney general's chief investigator, Iván Lara,
spent last week in Miami meeting with 20 U.S. Customs and two Panamanian
officials to exchange
evidence and sniff for Alemán assets in Florida that
could be seized.
U.S. Ambassador Barbara Moore on Monday turned over $800,000
in U.S. aid for anti-corruption programs ``to support the efforts by President
Enrique
Bolaños toward a new era of honesty and prosperity for
Nicaragua.''
The strong U.S. cooperation underlined a campaign by the U.S.
assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs, Otto Reich,
to crack down on
corruption in Latin American governments.
Reich visited Managua last month to support Bolaños, who
has been leading the drive to prosecute Alemán, the man he served
as vice president from
1997 to January.
Alemán says the charges are all lies fabricated by a resentful
Bolaños and his enemies in the Sandinista Front, former Marxists
who threw him in jail for
seven months in 1989 for his staunch anti-communism.
Alemán has vowed to fight the charges.
But he also has fought fiercely to retain the immunity from prosecution he now enjoys as a member of the National Assembly.
`I WILL NOT FLEE'
''Even though I have no faith in our justice system. . . . I
will not flee the country. I will fight the charges and even go to jail
if necessary,'' the 51-year-old
Alemán vowed last week.
Corruption is nothing new in Nicaragua, the poorest nation in
the Western Hemisphere after Haiti, but if the current accusations can
be proved in court,
they would represent a new level of avarice, even by local standards.
For openers, there was $45,000 for a party at the Biltmore Hotel
in Coral Gables in 1999 to celebrate his engagement to Miami teacher María
Fernanda
Flores, $26,000 for their Italian honeymoon and $103,000 for
a trip to India last year -- including the $10,656 tab at one restaurant.
Alemán has given several explanations for the charges
-- that they were all government-related, that they were personal but legal,
that his secretaries
handled the bills and might have made a few mistakes.
But Attorney General Francisco Fiallos said the Amex bills pale
in comparison to other cases in which Alemán looted state coffers
in big and small
quantities, ``in ways sometimes brazen, sometimes super-sophisticated.''
KIN, ALLIES INDICTED
A judge indicted a dozen Alemán relatives and former members
of his government last month on fraud and money-laundering charges but
left out Alemán
and daughter María Dolores because they enjoy immunity
as lawmakers.
According to investigators, there are a half-dozen separate scandals linked to Alemán. Two have a Miami connection. These are the other four:
• By far the biggest, Fiallos said, is what President Bolaños nicknamed La Huaca, after the Nicarao Indian word for a buried treasure.
During Alemán's term, the Central Bank of Nicaragua and
other government agencies transferred $153 million in unbudgeted funds
to the presidency
after Alemán argued that he needed more money for special
projects, said attorney general investigator Raymundo Romero.
Alemán has said most of that money went to pay extra salaries
for his government's officials -- a secret but traditional practice here
-- including $7,500 a
month to Bolaños. Bolaños stopped the practice
two months ago.
But documents in the presidency explain only how one-third of
that money was spent, Romero said, adding that Alemán's presidential
secretary has
claimed to know nothing about the remaining $96 million. Auditors
reviewing some 10,000 checks written from a dozen presidential accounts
have found
many payments to five ''Alemán friends'' as well as his
daughter María Dolores and his sister, Amelia, Romero said.
• More directly linked to Alemán is a scandal over the
$1.3 million that the presidency-run Channel 6 TV station paid to two Mexican
firms, CASCO and
SINFRA, that provided the channel with equipment and publicity
services.
CASCO and SINFRA in turn deposited $500,000 to a bank account
in Panama opened in the name of the Fundación Democrática
Nicaragüense (FDN) but
controlled solely by Alemán, his daughter and sister,
said Fiallos.
Alemán has described the FDN as a nonprofit foundation
he created eight years ago to collect and redistribute donations for pro-democracy
projects and
the political campaigns of his Liberal Constitutional party.
Asked why the Mexican firms would donate almost 40 percent of
their income from their government contracts to the FDN, a clearly irked
Alemán said,
``Ask them. There are thousands of people who want to help democracy.''
• Investigators said they are just starting to look at Materiales
y Construcción (MAYCO), a government construction agency suspected
of handing out
juicy contracts to friends of Alemán's before it was
privatized last year.
One MAYCO check for $40,000 went to the FDN account, Lara said,
and one FDN check for $350,000 went to pay a MAYCO debt this year, a sign
that
Alemán may now own part of the privatized company, Lara
explained.
Investigators said there is evidence that some money from Alemán's
FDN account did go to members of his Liberal party, perhaps even to finance
part of
Bolaños' campaign last year as Alemán has claimed.
.
Among MAYCO's pre-privatization projects was paving the dirt
road that runs past Alemán's Los Chile farm west of Managua, justified
as a way to unclog
the main road from the capital to the Pacific coast, Lara added.
• Another possible scam in the auditors' sights: the state-owned
Banco Nicaragüense, which allegedly made unsecured loans to Alemán
buddies. It went
bankrupt after it was sold to foreign investors that included
Hamilton Bank of Miami.
Panama has frozen $7 million found in Alemán-linked bank
accounts in Panama and found another $23 million transferred from there
to U.S. and Costa
Rican banks.