Cuban ex-convicts in legal limbo
Immigration detainees in legal quagmire
Cubans face indefinite incarceration due to tough laws, rocky relations
ANDRES VIGLUCCI
Like several thousand other immigration detainees across the country,
the Cuban
ex-convicts who are holding hostages in a Louisiana jail have
finished serving their
prison sentences. Were they U.S. citizens, they would now be
in halfway houses
or out on the street, free men.
Because they are not, they instead face what amounts to indefinite
incarceration
by the Immigration and Naturalization Service -- a quirk of tough,
and some say
unduly harsh, immigration laws, and unfriendly relations between
the United
States and Cuba.
In a nutshell, those laws require the detention and deportation
of noncitizens
convicted of a wide range of crimes. But Cuba and other countries
with strained
relations with the United States -- most prominently Laos, Cambodia
and Vietnam
-- refuse for the most part to accept U.S. deportees.
That leaves the INS two options: Release the ex-convicts, or hold
them until their
homelands change their minds about taking them.
In most cases, INS numbers suggest, the agency chooses the latter,
denying
release to any detainees judged to pose some risk to public safety.
The dilemma of indefinite detention, once largely restricted to
Cubans, has
bedeviled the government, advocates, the detainees and their
families since the
Mariel boatlift brought thousands of hardened criminals to Florida.
It has prompted
unfruitful lawsuits, two fiery prison takeovers in 1987 and numerous
hunger
strikes.
RELEASE VALVE
A 1984 accord with Cuba created a release valve. The Castro regime
agreed to
take back as many as 2,746 Mariel detainees named in the agreement;
1,425
have been sent back so far. An INS release program tailored to
Mariel detainees,
meanwhile, has led to some 6,000 being freed.
But a controversial immigration-law reform passed by Congress
in 1996 once
again turned indefinite detention into an acute issue.
Though immigration law long required the deportation of criminal
aliens, the '96
reforms substantially broadened the definition of a deportable
offense to include
many relatively minor offenses -- no matter how long ago they
occurred.
The law also removed outside court review of INS decisions in
those cases,
largely eliminating the right detainees previously enjoyed to
persuade an
immigration judge that they did not deserve deportation.
As a result, the number of people in INS detention has exploded,
from about
8,000 to around 16,000, forcing the agency to rely on a network
of local lockups
around the country to hold them.
Federal courts in other parts of the country have ruled indefinite
detention to be
unconstitutional, but the rulings apply only in limited jurisdictions.
MORE CASE REVIEWS
Since a well-publicized hunger strike by the parents of six Cuban
detainees
outside the Krome detention center in West Miami-Dade focused
national
attention on the issue, the INS has instituted twice-yearly reviews
of the cases of
such long-term detainees for possible release.
In Florida, though, only about a third of some 400 detainees whose
cases have
been reviewed have been approved for release, said INS spokeswoman
Maria
Elena Garcia. In the INS Eastern Region, which comprises Florida,
Louisiana and
23 other states, just 379 of 1,184 cases reviewed have resulted
in releases.
That leaves the agency to contend with a growing number of ``undeportable
aliens'' in custody. The precise number could not be determined
Wednesday. But
in the INS Eastern Region, the agency is now holding 1,344 long-term
detainees.
Across the country, about 2,400 Cuban ex-offenders are in INS
detention, the
largest single national group.
To the INS, its review policy strikes a fair balance between public
safety and
fairness.
``They really do get a chance every six months,'' said Michael
Gilhooly, a
spokesman for the INS Eastern Region office in Vermont. ``The
numbers show
that people are being released when they're not a threat.''
RIGHTS ISSUE
But to advocates, their continued incarceration is not only a
violation of due
process rights guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution, but a potential
tinderbox.
``We've been saying a long time that the way INS has been handling
these cases
is a recipe for disaster,'' said Cheryl Little, executive director
of the Florida
Immigrant Advocacy Center in Miami. ``Some of our clients have
been in INS
detention longer than they were in jail for the underlying crime.
We can't just lock
them up forever.''
Little and other advocates contend the INS could be releasing
far more long-term
detainees. But they say its release program has been wildly inconsistent,
with
often bewildering decisions and unclear standards that seem to
vary by location.
Some INS districts have yet to institute reviews because the agency
has not
published regulations governing the program, said Kevin Appleby,
director of
migration and refugee policy for the U.S. Catholic Conference.