Ending Cuba embargo is no panacea
Jeff Jacoby, Boston Globe
WHEN FIDEL Castro dies, will Cuba's communist dictatorship die too?
Absolutely, says a prominent Western diplomat in Havana. "I believe the whole system will be gone within two or three years after Castro dies."
Absolutely not, says Ricardo Alarcon, the powerful
president of Cuba's parliament. "There will be the same system afterward,"
he recently told a group
of American journalists.
In truth, no one knows what will happen when
Castro shuffles off this mortal coil, just as no one knows when that will
happen. He could remain in
power for another year -- or another decade.
But why must political change await his death?
Oswaldo Paya, the founder of Cuba's Christian Liberation Movement, derides
that attitude as "biological
fatalism." Unwilling to delay all hope of
democratic reform until Castro dies, Paya two years ago launched the Varela
Project, a petition drive in support
of new laws that would ensure freedom of speech
and assembly, provide amnesty for political prisoners, legalize private
businesses and unrig Cuban
elections. It is based on Article 88 of the
Cuban Constitution, which requires that a proposed law be put to a public
vote if 10,000 citizens sign a
petition supporting it.
A pipe dream? Perhaps. More than 10,000 signatures
have been collected, but no one expects Castro to abide by Article 88.
Yet,that just makes the
Varela Project all the more extraordinary.
The government has arrested, and sometimes beaten, dozens of signature
collectors; Cubans who sign know
that they are inviting retaliation. But they
sign anyway.
What, meanwhile, of the American embargo on Cuban trade and travel? Whose interests does it serve?
A growing coalition of U.S. critics argues
that the embargo is an antiquated relic. Far from weakening Castro, they
say, the embargo props him up: It
gives him a scapegoat to rail against and
an excuse for all his failures. By contrast, lifting the embargo would
expose Cuba to American ideas and
influence.
I don't buy it.
The embargo has its drawbacks, but the case
against it doesn't stand up to scrutiny. Cuba may not be inundated with
Americans -- though 80,000 of
them did visit the island last year -- but
the past decade has brought a huge influx of Canadians and Europeans. Their
influence and exports and ideas
haven't weakened Castro's grip.
Yes, Castro blames Cuba's shambles of an economy
and endless shortages on the embargo, but there isn't a Cuban over the
age of 7 who doesn't
recognize that as just another of his lies.
What has wrecked Cuba's economy is communism,
not a lack of trade with America. After all, Castro is free to do business with every other nation.
So, as long as Cuba's dictator maintains his
stranglehold on every aspect of Cuban life, ending the embargo would be
counterproductive. It would give
him the propaganda victory and the U.S. dollars
he craves, but it would do little to bring liberty or hope to ordinary
Cuban citizens.
Every president since JFK has extended the
Cuban embargo; to lift it in exchange for nothing would be a betrayal of
the very people we want to help.
"Tiende tu mano a Cuba," says Paya when I
ask what he thinks of American policy, "pero primero pide que le desaten
las manos a los cubanos."
Extend your hands to Cuba -- but first unshackle
ours.