Keeping hope, conscience alive in Cuba
By Jeff Jacoby
Second of three parts
H AVANA
''THERE ARE NO banned books in Cuba,'' Fidel Castro declared in February
1998, ''only those which we have no money to buy.''
Of course, books are banned in Cuba; just try to locate one that criticizes
Castro.
Bookstores and public libraries here carry works exalting Marxism, but
you won't
find ''The Gulag Archipelago'' or ''Darkness at Noon'' on their shelves.
So when Ramon Humberto Colas, a psychologist in Las Tunas, heard Castro's
words, he and his wife Berta Mexidor decided to put them to the test. They
designated the 800 or so books in their home as a library and invited friends
and
neighbors to borrow them for free. And so was born the first of Cuba's
independent libraries - independent of state control, of censorship, and
of any
ideology save the conviction that it is no crime to read a book.
The men and women who run these humble libraries risk government retaliation;
several have been threatened, interrogated, raided by the police - or worse.
Colas
and Mexidor were evicted from their home, denounced in the (state-owned)
press,
and repeatedly arrested. Their books were confiscated. They were fired
from their
jobs. Their daughter was expelled from school. Government persecution eventually
drove them from Cuba, but the seed they planted bore fruit. Today there
are more
than 100 independent libraries in homes across the country, each one a
little island
of intellectual freedom.
In Gisela Delgado's library in Havana, visitors can borrow Spanish translations
of
Adam Michnik's ''Letters from Prison,'' Vaclav Havel's ''The Power of the
Powerless,'' or the speeches of Martin Luther King. On her shelves are
everything
from art to philosophy, but when I ask which books are the most popular,
she
doesn't hesitate: ''`Animal Farm' and `Nineteen Eighty-four.''' It does
not come as a
surprise that readers in this hemisphere's only totalitarian outpost hunger
for the
greatest antitotalitarian novels ever written.
The Castro regime boasts of having wiped out illiteracy. That makes it
all the more
unforgivable that it has turned the lending of books into an act of defiance.
Dissent
in Cuba takes many forms, but there is none that shames the regime more.
Like most communist countries, Cuba is plagued with shortages of everything
from
food to electricity, but political dissidents it has in abundance. The
government
maligns them as malcontents and traitors - ''all these people are financed
by the
United States,'' sneers Fernando Remirez, Cuba's deputy foreign minister
- but the
dissidents I met here uniformly come across as men and women of integrity
and
courage.
On my first day in Havana, I visited Oscar Espinosa Chepe, an economist
who lost
his job at the National Bank of Cuba - and whose wife was fired from the
Ministry
of Foreign Affairs - when he began calling publicly for economic reform.
Bluff and
good-natured, he describes himself as a former true believer who gradually
came to
realize the truth about Castro.
''He turned out to be someone who did everything for his own power,'' Espinosa
says. ''Life in Cuba is a mixture of Stalinism and `caudillismo''' - rule
by a caudillo, a
Latin dictator - ''and there are no parties, no opposition, no elections,
no choices.''
Another one-time true believer, Martha Beatriz Roque, was a professor of
statistics
at the University of Havana who fell out of favor for praising glasnost
and
perestroika. In 1997, she and three other dissidents released a report
criticizing
Cuban communism and urging a peaceful transition to democracy. For that
offense,
they were arrested on charges of spreading ''enemy propaganda,'' and convicted
in
a one-day show trial that was closed to the public. Roque and two of the
others
spent nearly three years in prison; the fourth, Vladimiro Roca, is still
there.
Roque has been detained by the police 17 times; her home has been broken
into
and searched; she assumes her phone is tapped and her visitors spied on.
But she
doesn't fear for her safety. Well-known dissidents like her and Espinosa
and the
others I met - Elizardo Sanchez, Oswaldo Paya, Ricardo Gonzalez - are protected
by their international reputations. If something happens to them, says
Roque,
''people outside Cuba will make a big noise.''
What worries her more is the fate of dissidents who aren't as well known.
Juan
Carlos Gonzalez, for example - the blind president of the Cuban Foundation
for
Human Rights, who was abducted by the security police and battered so badly
he
needed stitches in his head. Or 70-year-old Juan Basulto Morell, a dissident
journalist who was beaten bloody with a club as his assailant yelled, ''This
is for
being a counter-revolutionary.''
In Cuba, as in all dictatorships, it is the dissenters who sustain hope
and keep
conscience alive. On this tormented island, they are the bravest and the
best.