CANF affirms power despite struggles
BY JUAN O. TAMAYO
Joe García, executive director of the Cuban American National Foundation,
tried to sound jaded when a
journalist asked for an interview recently.
''Are you writing the 20th-something obituary of the foundation?'' he joked.
Not at all. CANF remains a muscular force, especially with a Republican
in the White House who wants
to tighten U.S. policies toward Cuba and two Cuban Americans running those
policies in Washington.
But CANF does face a drove of financial, political and administrative problems
that independent observers
say are eroding the powerful influence, some would even say fear, that
it once cast over Washington.
Its money is less abundant, and its ranks are split -- between unabashed
hard-liners and
almost-embarrassed moderates, between GOP supporters and bet-on-all-sides
advocates -- and it
remains a bit dispirited after the Elián González affair.
Its management is allegedly in disarray, and U.S. congressional officials
say that while its young new
leaders are just as politically savvy as the old ones, they lack their
predecessors' sharp-edged wallop.
Worse still, CANF faces a growing wave of antiembargo sentiments across
the United States, driven by
rich agribusinesses and heartland farmers once viewed as natural allies
of the anticommunist exiles.
CANF President Jorge Mas insists the foundation remains financially and
politically strong, with broad
access to the halls of power and plans to push the Bush administration
to tighten the screws on
President Fidel Castro.
''It's time we go on the offensive and put the Castro regime on the defensive,''
Mas said recently from
Washington after two days of meetings. He spoke to senior officials at
the White House, the National
Security Council and the State Department, as well as Republican leaders
of the House of
Representatives.
CANF's top priorities, even before the administration announced a review
of Cuba policies with an eye
to tightening them: push for a U.S. indictment of Castro for the 1996 shoot-downs
of the Brothers to
the Rescue planes and expand assistance to dissidents on the island.
But critics insist that problems do exist.
OUTSPOKEN CRITIC
''The foundation once had a clear strategy. Now I don't know what they're
doing or if they know what
they're doing,'' said former CANF spokeswoman Ninoska Pérez Castellón,
today an outspoken critic of
the foundation.
At the root of CANF's problems is the plunge in the price of MasTec stock,
which makes up the lion's
share of the endowment that helps finance the activities of CANF as well
as the Jorge Mas Canosa
Freedom Foundation, established by the CANF founder before his death in
1997. From a 1997 high of
$52.68, MasTec traded at $8 on Wednesday.
The plunge led CANF to close the Voz de la Fundación radio station,
a $400,000- to $600,000-a-year
operation, dismiss six of its 21 Miami staffers and put off plans to hire
six new staffers for its
Washington office.
García denied rumors that CANF may completely close the Washington
office, which is headed by Dennis
Hays, former head of the State Department's Cuba Desk, and is already down
from five staffers last
year to three this year.
REAL ESTATE DEALS
But García confirmed the foundation is seeking paying tenants for
the Mas-owned Freedom Tower in
downtown Miami and is taking out a mortgage on its Washington office townhouse,
bought in 2000 for
$2 million in cash.
''We are allocating our resources to where we think they are effective,''
García said, adding that
membership remains steady with 170 directors, trustees and associates each
paying from $1,000 to
$6,500 a year and about 55,000 regular members paying anywhere from $1
to $100 per year.
Two former CANF employees said, however, that income from memberships plus
other donations --
CANF regularly seeks additional donations for special projects -- dropped
from $80,000 a month in 2000
to about $60,000 this year.
''Show me someone who's not belt-tightening after Sept. 11,'' García
said, insisting that money is not a
problem. ''We had one -- exactly one -- staffer in Washington when we were
named the most effective
lobby'' by the Center for Public Integrity in 1997.
DIFFERENT OPINION
García's arguments don't wash with Pérez Castellón,
one of a dozen CANF members who defected and
founded the rival Cuban Liberty Council.
''Yes, there was one staffer, but there was also a Jorge Mas Canosa and
a board of directors that
constantly went to Washington to lobby,'' she said.
''But now their presence in Washington is not so visible or powerful as
it was under Mas Canosa,'' she
added.
Several current and former CANF members and staffers also complained of poor management.
''The foundation now is just a phone number where journalists can get reaction
to events,'' one
disgruntled former employee said.
Money is only part of the problem, however. CANF also faces strong political
challenges, within the
Cuban exile community and in its battle to maintain the 40-year-old U.S.
trade and travel embargo on
the island.
García admits CANF has faced some rough going in recent years.
''We had to bring the Cuba debate back from the dead after Elián,''
he said of the negative image
created by exile hard-liners who fiercely opposed the boy's return to his
father in Cuba in 2000.
CLINTON INFLUENCE
They also faced eight years of a Clinton administration viewed by many
in Miami as too friendly to Cuba
and an increasingly effective campaign by American agrilobbyists to poke
holes in the embargo.
'For a long time, there was no significant economic power working against
the embargo. Now the
mantra is `market, market, market,' '' Hays said.
García says the embargo debate should not monopolize CANF's attention.
''Let's stop fighting over ground we've already won,'' he said. ``We need
to move policy beyond that,
to take a proactive role.''
But the debate has deeply and bitterly fractured Cuban exile ranks along
policy and political lines, say
foundation insiders who asked for anonymity, saying they did not want to
fuel the fires of internal
dissent.
On one side are exiles, usually older hard-liners close to the GOP, who
want to fight any concessions,
from weakening the embargo to allowing Cuban musicians to perform at the
aborted Latin Grammy
awards in Miami.
INSIDE APPROACH
''We are continuing to make known the truth inside Cuba -- that the embargo
is not the cause of the
hunger and misery,'' said businessman Horacio García, one of the
CANF directors who bolted last year
to the Cuban Liberty Council.
On the other side are usually younger exile activists, almost chagrined
to be called moderates, who, like
Jorge Mas, rejected a recent call by hard-liners for a boycott of Mexican
goods after the Mexican
government asked Cuban police to evict 21 men who broke into its embassy
in Havana.
''If people in this community want to shoot themselves, go ahead. But we
have an opportunity to work
with the [President Vicente] Fox government to effect change in Cuba, and
we're not going to miss it,''
a CANF member said.
The debate over U.S. policies on Cuba has also spilled over into a bitter
split over partisan politics, CANF
insiders say.
Most CANF members favor working with Republicans and Democrats, recalling
that Mas Canosa
recruited Democratic Sens. Robert Torricelli of New Jersey and Joseph Lieberman
of Connecticut for the
fight against Castro, CANF insiders said.
But another group advocates working more closely with President Bush, a
Republican who has named
several Cuban Americans to senior posts at the National Security Council
and State Department.
BUSH AS AN ALLY
''All the steps taken so far by this administration have been positive,''
Horacio García said. ``This
administration has shown nothing but an interest in backing our cause.''
A third group complains that Bush has paid only lip service to the Cuba
issue so far and advocates
prodding him strongly, even threatening better links to the Democratic
Party, to adopt more anti-Castro
policies.
''We're now in the ninth year of the Clinton administration,'' Joe García
sniped before the Bush
administration announced its Cuba policy review earlier this month.
CANF officials say they are not distracted by all of the infighting and
are focusing their lobbying efforts
on pushing the Bush administration on several critical fronts:
• Indicting Castro for ordering the deaths of the four Brothers to the Rescue fliers.
• Increasing aid to and contacts with dissidents on the island.
• Revising the Clinton administration's ''wet foot/dry foot'' Cuban immigration
policy and pressing
allegations that Castro still retains ties with terrorist groups such as
Spain's ETA Basque separatists.
''Jorge Mas Canosa would have loved the day when he had as few problems
as we have today,'' Joe
García said.