Miami Conspiracy (Part 2)
Miami Five’s trial: a gigantic apparatus of complicity and corruption
BY JEAN-GUY ALLARD (Special for Granma International)
WHAT five Cubans did in Miami — risking their lives to carry out
heroic work, to counteract criminal terrorist plans – was of no
interest to Judge Joan Lenard, even though those plans were already
on record within the U.S. government. On the contrary, what
interested her was following the orders of a judicial apparatus that
serves the anti-Cuba camarilla.
Throughout the trial of the five patriots, she constantly tried to point
the proceedings toward the "evidence" falsified by the FBI "special
agent" Héctor Pesquera, with the sole purpose of fabricating a "spy
scandal" that could achieve the sinister objectives of the Cuban
American National Foundation (CANF).
The prosecution avidly searched for "evidence" linking one of the
accused to the February 24, 1996 downing of two Brothers to the
Rescue light aircraft, and linking another defendant to possession
of allegedly secret military information.
Regarding the first theme, at the behest of Pesquera – representing
the FBI – the public prosecutor basically supported Brothers to the
Rescue leader José Basulto’s allegations.
A look into Basulto’s terrorist past makes clear the kind of "evidence"
presented.
Basulto emigrated to the United States immediately after the
overthrow of dictator Fulgencio Batista and the triumph of the Cuban
Revolution. Once in Miami, he and his friend Félix Rodríguez
joined
Brigade 2506, organized by the CIA to invade Cuba, under the
command of Batista supporters. Both infiltrated Cuba before the
failed operation.
On his return to Miami, Basulto and Rodríguez joined in other violent
operations directed at overthrowing the Cuban Revolution.
On August 24, 1962, Basulto aimed a 22mm cannon from a boat
some 200 meters off the coast of Havana’s Miramar neighborhood,
facing a hotel supposedly frequented by Fidel Castro.
At 11:30 a.m., Basulto fired, hitting a building and terrorizing the
hotel’s guests. (Fidel was not there.)
On May 20, 1963, Basulto and 50 other Bay of Pigs veterans joined
the CIA’s Operation 40 and received training in Fort Bragg, North
Carolina, and Fort Benning, Georgia.
The experienced terrorist collaborated with Argentina’s fascist military
regime, famed for murdering more than 30,000 people opposed to
the regime. Héctor Pesquera, of course, "knew nothing" about this.
Basulto confessed his terrorist adventures in an interview with The
Washington Post, published on May 20, 1997.
During the trial, officials from the Federal Aviation Administration
(FAA) confirmed that they had warned Basulto and his organization
SEVEN times concerning the serious danger of flights he had
organized over Havana.
Sadly, the FAA took away his commercial pilot’s license only AFTER
the serious incident.
The testimony of Basulto’s buddy Arnaldo Iglesias, who was aboard
the light aircraft with him at the moment the dramatic event
occurred, is also revealing. He confessed that in 1995, he and
Basulto had experimented with homemade bombs made out of
cartridge-filled PVC tubes; these were launched from their aircraft
over the Opa-Locka airport zone.
He likewise admitted that Brothers to the Rescue had published a
document announcing that the organization was going to provoke
"confrontations with the Cuban government."
Iglesias hastily stated that in spite of all this, Brothers to the Rescue
was a "peaceful" organization.
The theme of a "Cuban agent’s complicity" in the downing of
Basulto’s aircraft was presented as if Brothers to the Rescue had not
been warned about the possible consequences if those flights, when
in fact such warnings had been issued for quite a long time.
Furthermore, Cuban authorities did not need anyone in Miami to
inform them about the flights, for at the same time the planes
appeared on Cuban radar that same information was being reported
by Miami’s own controllers.
ALLEGATIONS OF SPYING REFUTED
Regarding the subject of espionage – or rather access to military
secrets – the prosecution’s allegations were completely refuted. No
evidence or testimony demonstrated that the Five had obtained or
were seeking information to do harm to the United States.
It’s interesting to see how at the very moment when the "suspects"
were arrested, a strong disinformation campaign had already been
set into motion, to prepare the public and also potential jurors for a
trial in which the accused would be considered guilty from the start.
Let’s look at a September 15, 1998 article from The Washington
Post. Journalist Sue Ann Pressley was already portraying the case as
a national tragedy. She describes how the arrests "ended the most
extensive espionage effort of Cuban agents" in her nation. How
absurd! This case has been the FIRST and ONLY one in the complete
39-year history of difficult relations between Cuba and the United
States.
According to the journalist, when U.S. Federal Prosecutor Thomas E.
Scott announced the case, he declared that those arrested were
trying "to strike at the very heart of the U.S. security system."
But the evidence presented at the trial did not in any way
substantiate this extremely misleading statement.
The article also stated that the objective of the "group of clandestine
agents" was, "among other things," to infiltrate several "anti-Castro
organizations," including Brothers to the Rescue. But the author
added: "Officials did not link the espionage charges to the February
1996 incident in which two small private planes belonging to Brothers
to the Rescue were shot down."
The strangest thing is that on the very same day, Manny García,
Carol Rosenberg and Cynthia Corzo co-authored another article in
The Miami Herald that contradicted the one printed in The Post.
These three quoted federal authorities as saying that the individuals
arrested did not steal secrets.
Pentagon spokesman Ken Bacon told Herald reporters: "One of
them worked on a military base, obviously. But here are no
indications that they had access to classified information or access to
sensitive areas."
Even more interestingly, an FBI spokesman in Miami, Mike Fabregas
— apparently better informed than his boss, Pesquera — told The
Miami Herald that none of the Five were successful. At the same
time in Washington, another spokesperson described the group as
being "extremely sophisticated," ranking them 8.5 on a scale of 10.
The Five’s trial, some two and a half years later, ridiculed the
prosecutor’s statements.
It was rather funny to note that among the "evidence" was a blue
cardboard box with "War Planes" written on it and containing scores
of full-color cards depicting military aircraft, along with a receipt for
$6.88 USD from a well-known store catering to collectors of trading
cards.
Nor was the "dangerousness" of the "spies" proven by witnesses. In
fact, the reverse shown! Various top-ranking military officers denied
that the Five had been spying: General James R. Clapper, former
head of the Defense Department’s intelligence agency; General
Charles Wilheim, former chief of the Southern Command; General
Edward Atkeson, who was the Army’s deputy chief of staff for
intelligence; Admiral Eugene Carroll, former deputy head of Naval
Operations; and Col. George Buckner, former official of the U.S. Air
Defense Command System. All their testimonies rejected the
possibility that the Five had been close to any strategically valuable
information.
General Carroll, a well-known expert in Cuba’s military capacity, even
went so far as to say that much more information than that
mentioned by the prosecution could be found by simply reading
specialized magazines such as Jane’s Defense Weekly.
ANOMALIES WITHIN ANOMALIES
But the most absurd thing is that the 240 sealed enveloped allegedly
containing "evidence" continue — months after the end of the trial —
to be unavailable to the defense, which was the case DURING the
trial, based on the law’s requirements concerning classified
information.
Worse still, the appeal hearing in Atlanta is currently being hindered
by
this extreme abuse of federal law, in order to prevent use of the
evidence. This cynically and intentionally violates the most basic
rights of the five patriots.
At the end of the trial — in a way not just unusual but equally
suspicious — the jury announced the exact day and time that they
would give their verdict. Contrary to what normally happens, they
didn’t ask for any points to be clarified, nor did they voice any doubts
— despite the case’s immense complexity, the five-month-long trial,
documents running into tens of thousands of pages, and the dozens
of charges brought against the five defendants. And the jury found
the five men guilty on ALL the charges, without exception.
Judge Lenard proceeded in the same way, following a mysterious
script.
She didn’t accept ANY of the extenuating circumstances suggested
by the defense and accepted the contentions of aggravated charges
made by the prosecution.
The vengeful and irrational character of the heavy sentences is
evident: Gerardo was condemned to two life sentences plus 15
years in prison; Ramón to life plus 18 years; Antonio’s sentence
was
life with an additional 10 years, Fernando received 19 years; and
René 15.
It is particularly absurd and totally inconsistent with whatever
jurisprudence that Gerardo Hernández should receive a sentence for
premeditated murder, without any evidence or witnesses against
him, nor any circumstantial proof that personally links him to that
alleged crime.
This proves, once again, that trial clearly supported anti-Cuba
terrorist groups operating in Miami and the camarilla that is trying to
legitimize its activities.