The Voice of Dispassion for U.S. Cubans
Jose Cardenas Fights Castro on Capitol Hill
By Sylvia Moreno and Lonnae O'Neal Parker
Washington Post Staff Writers
It's the morning after Elian's Miami relatives left Washington, and in
the tiny
Georgetown suite of the Cuban American National Foundation, business is
back to some semblance of normal for Jose Cardenas.
The telephone rings nonstop. A pager buzzes. A cell phone beeps. The fax
spews out the latest anti-Clinton and anti-Reno propaganda, and the
computer announces e-mail after incoming e-mail. Someone is asking the
CANF--the leading anti-Castro group--to endorse a poster depicting a
weeping Statue of Liberty ("Give me your tired, your poor . . . EXCEPT
ELIAN GONZALEZ"). A congressman's office calls. The deadline for a
television taping is looming.
All in a day's work during these recent months of controversy over Elian
Gonzalez.
But for Cardenas, head of the Miami-based group's Washington office,
handling the visit of Elian's cousin Marisleysis was a different story.
This is Washington, home of dispassionate politics, where buttoned-down
lobbyists like Cardenas schmooze and plan strategy. Where staid
congressmen make measured, sonorous pronouncements, and partisan
matters are often worked out behind closed doors.
The U.S. Gonzalezes--Marisleysis, her father, Lazaro, and uncle
Delfin--brought the raw emotion of Little Havana to the nation's capital,
and put Cardenas, a man known for his low-profile style--in the eye of
the
family hurricane.
They are people who for months have condemned the Clinton
administration and, in the hours after federal agents seized Elian from
their
home, sobbed and screamed and threatened for all the world to see on live
television.
"What are they going to do here?" Cardenas recalled wondering when he
learned at midday Saturday that the Gonzalezes were flying to Washington.
They wanted to visit Elian, they said, arriving just hours after the boy
had
been reunited with his father, Juan Miguel Gonzalez, at Andrews Air Force
Base.
The assignment fell upon Cardenas and his deputy, Emilio Vazquez--who
make up the CANF's Washington staff--to help support the Gonzalezes in
their quest.
"The reality is that Washington is a conservative town and basically it
doesn't really comprehend people that--" and here Cardenas pauses, then
squeezes his eyes shut as he rubs his temples with his fingers and casts
about for a politic description of Marisleysis and her kin "--doesn't
comprehend people that justifiably wear their emotions on their sleeves."
"This was going to be totally on the fly," he predicted. And he was right.
There was the tearful Capitol Hill news conference. The accusations that
the photographs of Elian hugging his father were fake. Lazaro Gonzalez's
insinuations that the boy had already been taken back to Cuba by
Communist agents. The four futile trips to Andrews. The impromptu calls
to a sparsely populated Capitol, since Congress is still in recess.
Through it all, Cardenas flinched from the sidelines.
"If you want to see the boy, let's do this in a serious way. I don't think
you
make ultimatums at a press conference," he says now. "Let's step back and
open up a channel of communication and see how we can make that
happen.
"But I'm not the one who's going to tell them to calm down. This family
has
been very, very hurt by what happened," he says. "Their house was
trashed, and they've been vilified by the Clinton administration. . . .
I felt a
lot of empathy for them."
It's an empathy that he learned as a child. He may sound as anti-Castro
and anti-Communist as the Gonzalez family, but the secret, as Cardenas
likes to say, is he is Colombian American.
Now 40, married and the father of four, he was raised in the area around
Baileys Crossroads, where his parents, immigrants from Medellin, settled
in 1958, when his father came to serve his residency in surgery at
Georgetown University Hospital. By 1960, Cuban exiles fleeing the Castro
regime started moving in, establishing a strong Latino presence in the
area
and at the local Catholic church, St. Anthony's. These were the families
that Cardenas's parents socialized with, and their children were his
classmates.
"I'd always heard the political horror stories about fleeing Cuba," he
says.
"People burying the family silver in the back yard so Communists wouldn't
take it.
"They came with nothing, and they were able to reestablish themselves.
I
just have tremendous admiration and respect for this community. That's
why I will go to the mat again and again to defend them."
He was also grateful to have grown up among Latinos.
"We were just one more family with another Spanish surname," he says.
Cardenas graduated from Catholic University with an
international-relations degree and earned a master's in government from
Georgetown.
The CANF was founded in 1981 by Cuban American businessmen led by
Jorge Mas Canosa, and opened its Washington office that year. In 1986,
Cardenas saw a job notice at Georgetown's placement office, applied and
was hired. There were a lot of "unhyphenated Americans" on staff at the
time, he says. He's been there ever since.
Cardenas had grown up politically conservative and joined the CANF
during the national debate over U.S. policy toward Central America.
"I wanted to get into the fight, and I didn't buy into the campaigns against
Ronald Reagan's policies toward Central America, policies that have now
been vindicated by history," he said. "I wanted to get into the fight,
and I
wanted to get in on the right side."
In the protracted fight against Castro's Cuba, the Elian episode has been
one of the hardest for CANF, Cardenas says.
"It's been very difficult to touch a broader American public because most
Americans have not had to deal with the issues of those who know tyranny
and its destructive impact on people's lives," he says.
Those who have worked with Cardenas, or squared off against him, say he
brings a valuable voice to the debate.
"He feels strongly about the issues, and the two of us have disagreed on
many occasions, but always respectfully," says Wayne Smith, a senior
fellow at the Center for International Policy who favors opening a dialogue
with Cuba.
"He does understand what democratic debate is all about: that there are
various sides to an issue [and] that the various sides should be debated."
Cardenas's is an on-message, no-nonsense comportment that has aided his
reputation as a thoughtful, dedicated advocate. And it has helped counter
hotheaded Latin stereotypes, says Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-Fla.), a
Cuban American whose district includes Little Havana. She has worked
with Cardenas for nearly a dozen years.
He's got the "right combination of practical know-how, coupled with
strong convictions of wanting a free Cuba," Ros-Lehtinen says. "He's not
just a wild-eyed idealist, but has a practical sense of how to move
legislation--how to work the process."
Cardenas's office is filled with art and books from pre-Castro Cuba. Just
above his desk is a large mounted poster of a Chinese student facing down
the tanks at Tiananmen Square. For him, he says, it is a symbol of one
man's unflinching stand for democracy--and of his own resolve.
"You do not have to be Cuban American to have a profound love of
freedom and an outward aversion to tyranny."