Castro Tries to Use Elian to Respark Revolutionary Fire
Young Cubans Suggest Effort Is Failing
By John Ward Anderson
Washington Post Foreign Service
HAVANA—Appearing at a sugar factory that was his command center
during the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, Cuba's charismatic dictator, Fidel
Castro, delivered a vintage three-hour, nationally televised harangue last
week that illustrated his newest obsession--Elian Gonzalez.
Castro gave an extraordinarily comprehensive, day-by-day, hour-by-hour
critique of the case of the shipwrecked 6-year-old boy. The address
included readings from U.S. court documents; references to television
shows, diplomatic cables, attorney correspondence and family telephone
calls; and detailed explanations of the negotiating positions in the
international custody battle.
It was a virtuoso performance, and showed how Castro is trying to turn
a
surge of popular support here for Elian's return to Cuba into a catalyst
to
revive flagging interest in the country's socialist revolution, particularly
among the island's youth.
"It's a rallying point, particularly for the new generation of Cubans,
for the
young people," said Ricardo Alarcon, head of Cuba's National Assembly.
"This issue of Elian is not something that they learned through history
books. It's something they feel victimized and affected by."
At weekly mass rallies drawing tens of thousands of people, young
grade-school revolutionaries in T-shirts emblazoned "Free Elian" alternate
between ridiculing the United States for forcing the youngster to stay
and
blasting America for its crime, drugs, guns and violence. "This doesn't
happen in socialist Cuba!" a hoarse girl, about 12, screamed at a recent
televised rally.
Other children at the Elian demonstrations lead oceans of Cubans in chants
of "Long live Fidel! Long live the revolution!" and "Down with imperialism!
Down with the embargo!"
But Castro's effort appears to be falling short, according to analysts
and
islanders. Many teenagers and young adults say they do not see a
connection between Elian and leftist idealism, even though they strongly
support Cuba's efforts to reunite the boy with his father.
"It's true, the government wants to use Elian to respark the revolution,
but
that's history that's already passed," said a 20-year-old man who just
finished his obligatory two-year military service. "We want to do things
in a
different way. It should change--everything."
Cubans who experienced the Bay of Pigs and the October 1962 Cuban
Missile Crisis feel strong ties to their country's revolutionary roots.
Others
who rallied to the cause in the 1970s, when Cuba supported Marxist
insurgencies in Central America and Africa, also remember their country's
sense of mission.
But many young people here said they are tired of Communist sloganeering
and the poverty caused by underemployment and the state-controlled
economy. And they say they want unrestricted freedom to travel abroad
and communicate.
"Everybody's bored with seeing the same [Elian shows] on television," said
a 23-year-old woman, a former member of the Union of Young
Communists. Like most Cubans, she did not wish to be identified by name
for fear of government reprisals.
"The older generation forced us into this type of society--a Communist
society--and right now there are a lot of needs that are not being met,"
said
a 24-year-old physician, who complained that his salary of $15 a month
was not enough to live on.
"The youth of today want to have a good time. . . . You get tired of the
same speeches," said a 33-year-old metalworker as he sat with his wife
and 7-year-old son along the Havana waterfront. He complained that since
the fall of the Soviet Union, lifestyles have been depressed and people
feel
cut off from the rest of the world. Government policies prohibit people
from traveling to foreign countries and from participating in the global
communications revolution.
"We're here alone after the fall of the Soviet Union in late 1991, like
a boat
adrift," he said. "I think the system is beautiful and has good intentions,
but
it doesn't work well. In the most profound sense, it's not what we want."
While they all favored the island's fight for Elian's return, none said
it was
revitalizing the revolutionary spirit in them or anyone they knew. Part
of the
problem, they said, was overkill, in the form of five months of nonstop
Elian coverage and propaganda.
Nonetheless, after seeing how the Elian case captivated the island's 11
million people, who were furious that the child was not reunited with his
father sooner after his rescue Thanksgiving Day off the coast of Florida,
the government in February issued the Pledge of Baragua, which outlined
its strategy to broaden the boy's saga into a wider struggle against U.S.
policy toward Cuba.
The pledge, which all citizens are being asked to sign, calls Elian's custody
fight the first and "smallest battle" in a revitalized effort to overturn
a host of
U.S. policies: the 1962 U.S. trade and tourism embargo; the presence of
the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay; special laws that penalize people
and companies that do business with Cuba or profit from properties
expropriated during the 1959 revolution; and, most important, the Cuban
Adjustment Act of 1966, which allows any Cuban who manages to reach
U.S. soil to stay in the United States and apply for permanent residency
after one year. Elian's mother and nine others trying to reach the United
States drowned when their boat capsized.
Although the movement started as an attack on U.S. policies, it has
expanded into a broader effort to rejuvenate and reinvigorate the island's
Communist revolution, which many Cubans say seems worn out and
irrelevant to their daily lives.
The time and place of Elian rallies are now coordinated with other historic
events in the revolution, using the child's case as a catalyst for political
demonstrations. The rally at which Castro spoke, for instance, marked
Cuba's Bay of Pigs victory over a failed invasion by CIA-backed Cuban
exiles.
In a statement last week reported by Cuba's official National Information
Agency, Raul Castro, Fidel's brother and the head of Cuba's army, said
the fight for Elian's return was an "excellent and perfected method of
mass
political-ideological work, which the party and Fidel Castro direct. This
method has uncovered virtues that were not seen in previous days. It has
brought brilliant people to the fore, from [young people] to senior citizens."
"I get the sense that Fidel is trying to bring the younger senior members
of
his government into contact with the good old days and the spirit that
prevailed in the aftermath of the revolution," said a European diplomat
in
Havana. "We hear [younger officials] saying things like, 'This is great,
the
Cuban people have never been so united' " since the Bay of Pigs invasion.
And as his brother indicated, Fidel Castro, who ultimately controls the
Cuban media and virtually all public debate, seems to be orchestrating
the
entire campaign, elevating Elian to national icon and building a huge
propaganda and public relations industry around him.
The boy's picture is plastered across the island on billboards and posters,
in classrooms and public buildings and on T-shirts and the doors of
people's homes. A two-hour nightly television show is usually dedicated
to
his case, often with Castro in the studio audience apparently
stage-managing the broadcast. The leader spends hours every day
orchestrating Cuba's every move in the case.
Elian is part of teachers' classroom lessons, and a museum in his home
town has opened an Elian room "as an example for future generations of
what happened at this stage of the revolution," the curator said.
Outside the U.S. Interests Section in Havana, the Cuban government built
a huge, permanent sound stage--the Jose Marti Anti-Imperialist Open
Stage, better known as the Demo Dome--for Elian rallies, but says it will
be used in the future to institutionalize anti-U.S. demonstrations.
What will happen to Elian if he comes back to Cuba remains to be seen.
Residents say they hope he can return to the normal, carefree life of a
6-year-old, and Castro and other government officials insist that he will
not
be held up as a revolutionary hero or national icon.
"He'll never be an ordinary boy, teenager or man, but we're going to try
to
give him an ordinary life," said a government official involved in the
case.
"We won't turn Elian into a star in this country to be exploited in years
to
come."