Dispute Could Warm U.S.-Cuba Relations
By JANE PERLEZ
WASHINGTON, April
24 -- In an immediate sense, the hostility
in Cuban-American
official relations is unlikely to be touched by the Elián
González
case. But in the longer term, the dispute could encourage trends in
American public
opinion that favor more relaxed ties, experts say.
To change the
relationship fundamentally, the trade embargo strengthened by
Congress and
signed by President Clinton in 1996 would need to be ended,
an impossibility
in an election year and in the current overheated atmosphere.
If the Republican
candidate, George W. Bush, wins in November, there is not
likely to be
a change in policy; nor is it clear that Vice President Al Gore would
push for much
change, particularly given President Fidel Castro's defiance on the
question of
improving relations.
For their part,
Clinton administration officials have repeatedly said there would
be no change
in policy toward Cuba because of a family argument over a
6-year-old.
The White House went out of its way to focus the drama as a legal
one, not a matter
between two nations.
But subtle shifts
in Congress and small tinkering by the Clinton
administration
on the travel ban to Cuba last year point to movements in
policy and attitudes
that the González case could propel in some ways.
Close to 200,000
Americans, both legal and illegal travelers, visited
Cuba last year,
nearly double the number from 1998, according to Julia
Sweig, the deputy
director for Latin American affairs for the Council on
Foreign Relations.
According to the Cuban government, Americans now
account for
the second-largest group of visitors, after Canadians.
"This is a lot
more exposure to Cuba," Ms. Sweig said, noting that the
American travelers
ranged from Hollywood producers to Midwestern
farmers looking
for business selling seeds to nongovernmental agencies.
(The farmers
went under a new program sanctioned by the Clinton
administration,
but they found little business.)
This exposure
has contributed, Ms. Sweig said, to a "certain sense of
exhaustion --
people are tired of deferring to a Cuban-American minority
view."
A Gallup poll
last May showed that 70 percent of Americans were in
favor of lifting
the trade embargo against Cuba, with 28 percent
opposed. More
than 20 years earlier, another Gallup poll showed that 63
percent favored
abolishing the trade embargo and 37 percent were
opposed.
An ABC News poll
conducted earlier this month, in the heat of the
González
battle, showed a shift in opinion, with respondents evenly split
on whether to
restore relations with Cuba and end trade restrictions.
Respondents
strongly favored removing travel restrictions between the
United States
and Cuba.
In Congress,
where opposition to improving ties with Cuba has been the
most enduring,
the Senate voted last year, 70 to 28, in favor of ending
the restrictions
on sending food and medicine to Cuba, a softening of
attitude that
took some by surprise.
In the same vein,
Congressional supporters of broader ties with Cuba
noted that earlier
in the Elián González dispute, Senator Robert C. Smith,
Republican of
New Hampshire, could not muster enough support in the
Republican Senate
caucus to give asylum in the United States to the
child.
The most passionate
anti-Castro crusaders in the Congress nonetheless
believe that
in the short term, the heightened tensions stirred by the case
have helped
their efforts to slow any move to normalize relations. But
others doubt
that there will be any lasting impact.
For example,
in permitting more Americans to go to Cuba, the Clinton
administration
believes that it has broadened the debate within the United
States and undermined
somewhat the power of the Cuban American
minority in
Florida.
Since last May,
academics, artists, scientists and other professionals have
been allowed
to apply for licenses from the Treasury Department to visit
Cuba; the departure
points were expanded from Miami to include New
York and Los
Angeles. Many other people have gone illegally as tourists,
administration
officials said.
The González
case is important because it is "the first time, two
governments
find themselves on the same side of an issue," said Wayne
Smith, who was
the head of the United States Special Interests section in
Havana from
1979 to 1982.
It also served
a purpose for policy in a human way. "The more Cubans
are seen as
normal human beings -- that the father is a decent guy --
public opinion
will swing," he said.
The Clinton administration
policy has been carefully devised, according
to a former
National Security Council official, to ensure that it was not
"Castro-centric"
but rather "people-centric."
Richard Feinberg,
who dealt with Cuba policy on the council in the early
Clinton years,
said the administration decided that there was not much to
gain by directing
a policy at Mr. Castro, who has consistently defied any
attempts at
relations with the United States.
Rather, he said,
the policy was devised to build up a civil society in Cuba
so that in the
"indeterminate time when the regime collapses, that there is
not a vacuum
and a transition to a peaceful society is much easier."
Any Democratic
administration would be reluctant to initiate dramatically
changed relations
with Cuba because Mr. Castro has been so
unreceptive,
Mr. Feinberg said.
Among the changes
that Mr. Clinton offered but did not achieve last year
was a direct
postal link between Cuba and the United States. An
administration
official said today that Mr. Castro rebuffed the idea.
The administration
was considering easing the travel restrictions further
last fall but
put the idea aside at the height of the González crisis. At the
same time, there
was a proposal to enlarge the remittance program,
which was eased
in January 1999 to allow American citizens to send
$300 each quarter
to family members in Cuba.
At the United
Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva last week,
the United States
vigorously pushed the case against Cuba.
Administration
officials said they were pleased that a motion citing a
deteriorating
human rights situation in Cuba was passed by a larger
margin than
in the past.