The Cuba Cubans Know
By ROGER HERNANDEZ
© Latino.com
I know how it feels to be a little boy looking down the barrel of a
machine gun. One day in the summer of 1964, as I played in the
front yard of my parents' home in Havana, two jeeploads of armed
troopers pulled up and stormed inside. As one soldier guarded me
and my family at gunpoint, others went through the house, making
an inventory of our personal possessions. My parents had declared
their intention to emigrate, and this was the government's way of
making sure that everything we owned would stay behind.
That memory is one reason I sat in bed watching television
Saturday morning with a knot in my throat, fighting back the tears,
wanting to pour out for Elián González.
In the famous photograph of Elian's screaming terror, I saw my own
face, 36 years ago.
I am not alone. We all have our stories. Cuban Americans saw our
shared grief in the face of that little boy. What most wrenched our
hearts Saturday morning was that the U.S. government violated a
family's home to bring Elián to a father who apparently intends
to
take his son back to a totalitarian dictatorship, the one we know
so well.
That this may well be the end result of the raid did not occur to
the Los Angeles Times, which editorialized that the Elian drama
"has not ended, but it's taken a positive turn." Nor to child
psychologist David Elkind, who wrote in Newsweek that "it is a
blessing that Elián is back with his father." Nor to Bill Clinton,
who
said he was "very pleased."
It is not unreasonable for people of good will to believe the son
belongs with the father, and then grieve for a boy likely to be
carried off to live under a tyranny. But to cheer Saturday's
developments in blissful disregard of the life that awaits Elián
under
communism is unconscionable. Or maybe just ignorant.
Is there something Cuban Americans know about Cuba that others
don't know? Why the opposition to something apparently
commonsensical as giving a child back to his father? What is this
"tyranny" about which a distressingly high number of Americans
seem utterly clueless?
My own story is but a child's anecdote, relatively benign as these
things go, in the collective narrative of viciousness Cubans heir. It
begins with children. Parents that the government concludes have
failed to provide their Elians with a proper Marxist-Leninist
formation may lose custody and face charges of "hindering the
normal development of the child."
Then there are the routine indignities imposed by the Castro
government on adults who do not follow the regime's dictatorship
with the requisite enthusiasm. Human Rights Watch has catalogued
the nastiness: "Short-term arbitrary detentions, official warnings,
removal from jobs and housing, surveillance, harassment,
intimidation." That's how the merely disaffected are punished. It
happens for not showing up at mandatory rallies, or for complaining
about the government within earshot of a member of the
neighborhood Committee for the Defense of the Revolution.
The politically outspoken face worse. In Cuba, the basic freedoms
Americans take for granted are specifically against the law. Thus
Article 53 of the Constitution: "The citizens' freedom of speech and
press is recognized so long as it conforms to the ends of socialist
society." Thus the penal code, which has it that a person who
"incites against the social order, international solidarity, or the
socialist State, through oral or written propaganda, or in any other
form" faces one-to eight-year prison sentence, according to
Amnesty International's 1999 report on Cuba.
Such laws were used against Martha Beatriz Roque Cabello, René
Gómez Manzano, Félix Bonne Carcassés, and Vladimiro
Roca
Antúnez, the best known of 200 dissidents imprisoned for their
non-violent critiques of the dictatorship. In June 1997, the four
distributed a pamphlet they had written, "The Homeland Belongs to
All," in which they denounced the absence of basic freedoms.
Weeks later they were arrested and imprisoned until their trial in
March of 1999. They are now serving sentences of between
three-and-a-half and five years.
But Cuba's government doesn't need to point to its laws to justify
repression because political thugs enjoy absolute impunity. Cuba is
one of the few countries in the world that incarcerates citizens
caught leaving without government permission. On July of 1994, a
small boat packed with people fleeing to the United States was
assaulted by three Cuban coast guard cutters some seven miles off
Havana. The government vessels rammed the refugees' boat and
fired high-pressure water cannons at its deck. 35 men, women and
children drowned, knocked into the sea or washed overboard.
Officials from Cuba have been laughing for six years at international
calls for an investigation.
The "13 de Marzo" massacre, known by the name of the refugee
boat, is an tragedy festering in the soul of Cuban America. Yet few
other Americans have ever heard of it. It was barely even reported
in the national press. The New York Times didn't mention it until 12
days after it happened. Nor has much about human rights violations
in Cuba been reported in the five months since Elián arrived.
Instead, the most influential dailies, newsweeklies and networks
have spent the last few weeks in an frenzy of Cuban American
bashing. We have been informed that Cuban American accounts of
lacerating wounds to the spirit and the flesh are to be dismissed as
the obsessions of a people too irrational, too consumed with hatred
of Fidel Castro to be credibile.
Cuban American voices have been shouted down. So let me cite
what one group of non-Cubans have by the opening paragraph of
the 1999 report on Cuba by Human Rights Watch, the international
organization that angered Cuban Americans by going against the
U.S. embargo:
"Over the past forty years, Cuba has developed a highly effective
machinery of repression. The denial of basic civil and political rights
is written into Cuban law. In the name of legality, armed security
forces, aided by state-controlled mass organizations, silence
dissent with heavy prison terms, threats of prosecution,
harassment, or exile. Cuba uses these tools to restrict severely the
exercise of fundamental human rights of expression, association,
and assembly. The conditions in Cuba's prisons are inhuman, and
political prisoners suffer additional degrading treatment and
torture."
I do not know whether Elián's father approves of this oppression
or
whether he is a victim of it, too scared to speak. Only faint hope
remains that Juan Miguel will act to save himself, save his son and
perhaps even save his own nation from more years of Castro terror.
No hope of any kind remains with the Clinton Administration. In its
eagerness to deport Elián back to the hell hole his mother tried
to
save him from, it sent an armed raiding party to pry the boy away
from a family that loved him. A day of infamy in the history of the
nation Cuban Americans have come to love.
Roger Hernández is a nationally syndicated columnist and
Writer-in-Residence at New Jersey Institute of Technology. He can
be reached via email at rogereh@prodigy.net.