BY PAUL BRINKLEY-ROGERS, CURTIS MORGAN, ELAINE DE VALLE AND
AUDRA D.S. BURCH
Not since the Mariel boatlift, exactly 20 years ago, has so much
perplexed
attention been focused on the Cuban community. The struggle over
6-year-old
Elian Gonzalez has deeply divided Cubans and non-Cubans, and
is testing the
stamina of one of America's most resilient cities.
``It is time for this to come to an end,'' said Cuba-born Esther
Fishman, 50, whose
family-run paint business is emblematic of Miami's immigration
success story. ``It
is time for everyone to go on with their lives.''
Fishman said she and her family are exhausted by the turmoil,
and that she
hopes other Americans understand. But the truth is, she said,
they will probably
never comprehend her opinion as a Cuban that Elian is the victim
of what she
calls ``our Holocaust.''
Nationally, the debate over Elian boils down to this: Should he
stay or go? But in
South Florida, the issue is more complex, wrapped in the wrenching
stories of a
41-year exile.
Many non-Cubans have thrown up their hands, venting long-suppressed
frustration
with Cubans on both sides of the water.
Respect the laws, they say. Why wave the Cuban flag? Callers to
a radio station
popular with Jamaicans complained Wednesday that Cuban refugees
receive
privileges denied emigres from black Caribbean nations. Listeners
to other
stations suggested that Elian partisans who protest unlawfully
should go back to
Cuba.
As the controversy drags on, it has taken on an undertone of ``us'' vs. ``them.''
Anti-Cuban rhetoric ``has to some degree reopened the old wounds,''
said Lourdes
Cue, executive director of Facts About Cuban Exiles, a Miami-based
group
founded in 1982 as a result of Cuba-bashing.
`I think the Cubans have come out looking more emotional on this
issue than
level-headed,'' said Jaime Suchlicki, director of the Institute
of Cuba and
Cuban-American Studies at the University of Miami. ``A lot of
people see the
Cubans not as American citizens protesting. They see them as
Cubans
protesting America.''
A BLURRED LENS
He believes much of the negative reaction from non-Cubans comes
from viewing
events through a lens blurred by xenophobia.
Cue has seen it in national press reports, with sweeping dismissals
of Miami as a
``banana republic'' controlled by ``right-wing extremists.''
She said, ``There is a tendency to resort to old stereotypes,
descriptions and
epithets. . . . In environments where there is less exposure
day in and day out to
the Cuban story, there is less sensitivity to the Cuban argument
-- which is that
we seriously doubt that the father is speaking freely.''
Brenda Shapiro, a Miami family law attorney who joined the American
Civil
Liberties Union in a federal court brief that sought to protect
Elian's right to a
political asylum hearing on the one hand, and the father's right
to his son on the
other, said the hostility is not just confined to predictable
outlets for
outrageousness like radio talk shows.
NEGATIVE VIEWS
``My greatest fear is that there are very good people who have
held negative views
regarding the Cuban community,'' she said, ``and now it's as
though they've been
given a license to say truly reprehensible things.''
Whether the intolerance abates depends on how peacefully the issue
is resolved,
she said.
``There are people who will say to me, `I, of course will do anything
I can to help
you, but I can't be public in my position.' I deplore that. That
speaks very
seriously to the state of relations in our community,'' she said.
``If we give credence to this climate of lawlessness . . . no
society can survive
that, let alone little ol' Dade County.''
One measure of how deeply the Cuba issue pervades Miami-Dade culture
was the
recent experience of Edwin Goldberg, rabbi of Temple Judea, a
largely
non-Hispanic synagogue in Coral Gables.
EMBARGO A TOPIC
A topic for an upcoming Reform Movement rabbinical convention
is the American
economic embargo of Cuba. Goldberg decided to bring up the issue
with a
committee of synagogue members, and the resulting discussion
was heated, to
say the least.
``It got to the point of my feeling like it wasn't something we
could even deal with,''
he said. ``And we're talking about a 40-year-old issue, not about
a little kid. I
would be afraid to bring Elian up as an issue. It would even
be worse.''
There are optimists.
``One issue does not spell doom and gloom. Humans aren't constructed
that
way,'' said George Wilson, a UM sociology professor specializing
in race
relations. Though he said some colleagues disagree, Wilson predicted
passions
will cool, no matter what happens to Elian.
But he expressed concern that Cuban-Americans will become more
alienated as
they discover their anti-Castro zeal is no longer shared nationwide.
IT'S ABOUT CASTRO
Suchlicki said it should not be forgotten that the fight isn't
so much about Elian:
It's with Fidel.
``American public opinion can change very easily if the father
was to stay here
and denounce the Cuban government or if the child was to go back
and Castro
make a big mockery out of the issue,'' he said.
Alicia Corral, an architectural engineer who works in Coral Gables,
says most
Americans cannot understand why most Cubans feel strongly that
Elian should
stay.
``The family unit is a very important thing to Cubans,'' she said.
``For us, family is
the most important thing, and what the world has to understand
is that if we are
advocating that the boy stay here, it is because there is a very
strong reason. We
understand that sometimes you have to make a parent-child sacrifice
in order to
save the child.''
A DIVIDED FAMILY
Corral said her mother was sent from Cuba by her grandparents
when she was
just a teenager. Two of her uncles are Pedro Pan kids who came
alone, without
their parents, in a massive Catholic operation that removed 14,000
children out of
Cuba in the 1960s.
She said those who want to give Elian to his father do not realize
that in Cuba he
would no longer belong his father -- he would belong to the state.
``At the beginning this could have been solved within the family.
But now, it's no
longer the father. Now it's Castro and it's the regime that's
taking him back.''
But Cuban Americans have not convinced many other Americans.
The Rev. Wayne Lomax, pastor of The Fountain in Pembroke Pines,
for example,
took up a familiar theme on Tuesday among black Americans, who
view the
struggle as primarily a legal and political one.
``There is hostility surrounding what is perceived to be the manipulation
of the
system,'' Lomax said. ``[The perception is] if Elian were another
ethnicity, this
would not have unfolded this way, or lasted this long.
`IT'S NATURAL'
``The child belongs with the father, period. It's natural. It
doesn't take much
training to understand that.''
``The child is being used for political purposes'' by all sides,
he said. ``Even the
presidential candidates are getting in on this.''
Carmen Morris, marketing consultant in South Dade, said the rest
of the world
sees a community coming apart. ``People are clearly seeing us
in a light that we
don't want to be seen in,'' she lamented. ``People are saying
they turn on the
radio or television and look at the newspaper and they are seeing
something that
seems to have taken on a life of its own.''
LaJuane Mack, a technology company manager in Broward and a resident
of
North Miami, worried that ``the Elian case it has shown just
how segregated our
community really is.''
``In some ways,'' said Mack, who believes Elian should be with
his father, ``it feels
like Miami against the world. Blacks, whites, Haitians, and everyone
else say
send him home, but most of the Cubans say he needs to stay.''
A WIDE DIVIDE
A January poll by WLTV-Univision 23 showed how wide the divide
is. Nearly 90
percent of surveyed Hispanics thought Elian should stay in Miami.
But nearly 80
percent of blacks and 70 percent of white non-Hispanics thought
he should go.
Elena Freyre, executive director of the anti-embargo Cuban Committee
for
Democracy, said Elian may be driving a wedge between those Cubans
who
support isolating the island nation and those who seek reconciliation.
``It's the cold war,'' Freyre said. ``It's going to take a while
before people start
talking again.''
She likened the divided Cuban community to the Gonzalez family itself.
``The worst thing of all is this Gonzalez family,'' Freyre said.
``How is this family
going to heal? It's going to be extremely hard. . . . There's
no room for any kind of
accommodation or negotiation.''
MIXED EMOTIONS
Yet there are many wrenched both ways -- including Uva de Aragon,
assistant
director of the Cuban Research Institute at Florida International
University.
``The day that the child arrived my grandchildren had just left
my house. It was
Thanksgiving, and he [Elian] even looks like one of my grandsons,''
she said. ``I
wanted to embrace the child. I wanted him to stay. But then you
learn he has a
father and four grandparents. As a grandmother and someone who
was never able
to see my own grandmother again after leaving Cuba, I thought
the child should
be returned.''
She is afraid there will be no happy ending.
``It's been more than four months and he's grown attached to his
family here and
to this way of life. Also, he's been turned into an icon in Cuba
and he's going to
be used politically there. My heart aches for this child.''
She likened the situation to the one faced by King Solomon when
two women
claimed a child, and he tested their love by threatening to cut
the baby in two.
``I pray for Elian and I pray for the Cuban people,'' she said.
``As years pass,
instead of finding more things that unite us, more things polarize
us. That is
certainly not what I hope for the future of Cuba.''
Copyright 2000 Miami Herald