Federal Agents Under Siege in the Southwest
DEA, Customs and Border Patrol officers encounter increasing violence from Mexican drug traffickers.
By ESTHER SCHRADER, Times Staff Writer
COCHISE COUNTY, Arizona—When they come looking for him at the shopping
mall, federal
drug agent
Bernie Minarik slips out a back way. When his wife drops him off at work,
she takes a
roundabout
route back home in case she's being followed.
But when he discovered a highway flare that Mexican drug traffickers had
planted in the gas tank
of his
car in an attempt to blow him to bits, Minarik nearly called it quits.
Minarik has been a Drug Enforcement Administration agent in Arizona's border
country for eight
years,
and he didn't take the job expecting it to be danger-free. But he didn't
count on the violence seeping
into his
home life, on his kid going to school scared, on his wife biting her lip
as she watches him
fasten
his bulletproof vest every morning.
Violence against federal agents, which used to be rare, is becoming more
common along the Southwest
border,
where cocaine, heroin and other illicit drugs are pouring into the United
States from Mexico in ever
greater
quantities.
Increasingly,
the men and women on the front lines of the drug war are being targeted
by traffickers
who outgun
them, outman them—and are out to get them as never before.
Violent assaults against federal agents along the Southwest border—ground
zero of the biggest drug
trade
in the world—soared from 156 in 1992 to more than 500 last year. Since
1994, two agents have been
killed.
In 1997 alone, the last year for which detailed statistics are available,
agents were shot at 97 times.
They were
rammed with cars or trucks 64 times. On 20 occasions, assailants planted
bombs.
Nowhere is the escalating threat more pervasive than in southern Arizona,
where vast expanses of desert
and a
network of back roads leave law enforcement forces more spread out and
vulnerable. Through
November
1999, there were 208 documented incidents of violence against federal officers
in Arizona.
That's
more than in any other border state. As recently as two decades ago, assaults
by drug traffickers
on federal
agents working the U.S. side of the nation's Southwest border were so rare
as to be almost
unheard
of. Better to dump the dope and run back to Mexico than to risk time in
an American jail, the
smugglers
apparently calculated.
But these days, Border Patrol, Customs and DEA agents patrolling the Arizona
border have been drawn
into gunfights
with traffickers who hang out the windows of their Broncos and spray rounds
from AK-47s.
Agents
have been pelted with rocks, ball bearings and sharpened metal shards,
and have been knifed, beaten
and stalked.
Those like Minarik, who work undercover, are often found out by drug underlords
who live in the
same small
cities as they do and who have the money and the technology to track their
movements,
DEA officials
say. Agents listen to plots being hatched against them via cell phones.
Their wives use
their
maiden names to provide an extra margin of safety. They rotate the cars
they use for work.
And despite their increasingly intricate precautions, sometimes they are
killed.
In June 1998, four traffickers associated with one of Mexico's most violent
drug gangs fatally shot
Border
Patrol agent Alexander Kirpnick on a dirt road in Arizona at point-blank
range. Four days
later,
two Border Patrol agents were shot outside McAllen, Texas, by coked-up
heroin traffickers. In
1994,
DEA agent Richard Fass was shot dead foiling a methamphetamine buy.
"Even though I used to be a churchgoer, I don't go to church anymore,"
said Minarik, special agent
in charge
of the DEA office in Sierra Vista, a middle-class town about an hour from
the
Arizona-Mexico
border. "You never know who's going to be there."
Said another DEA agent who works with Minarik: "It's a constant state of
vigilance because
everyone
knows who you are. It just never stops. You can't go to a Circle K without
seeing someone
associated
with someone you put in jail. You learn to accept it."
The amount of cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine and marijuana smuggled across
the border in this
corner
of Arizona is less than in other border areas. Baja California, the base
of the Arellano Felix
brothers'
notoriously violent drug mafia, has long been a prime conduit of drugs
into California.
But it is in remote areas like Cochise County where smugglers, armed and
paid by powerful
Mexican
organizations, increasingly face off against federal agents on quiet desert
roads. Emboldened
because
they often outnumber the law officers they confront, and often under intense
competitive
pressure
from other smugglers, they are more willing to risk attacking U.S. peace
officers, officials say.
"People have no clue what's going on down here. It's the Wild West, and
there just seem to be
more bad
guys every day," said Larry Dever, sheriff of Cochise County, a rocky,
mountainous corner
of Arizona
that has been adopted by Mexico's drug gangs as a preferred route for moving
their
products
north.
Dever once regarded his main job as keeping the people of his county safe
from one another. But
these
days, he said, he spends most of his time helping the more than 600 DEA,
Customs and Border
Patrol
agents who have flooded into the county to battle the drug trade.
Four exchanges of gunfire a week between U.S. agents and drug smugglers
is the norm, officials
say. High-speed
chases of traffickers are common. Drug runners are regularly stopped carrying
automatic
rifles, and two underground tunnels used to transport drugs across the
border were
discovered
last year.
In January, Border Patrol and Customs agents chased two Ford Broncos loaded
with 2,600
pounds
of marijuana 10 miles across the desert from Naco to Palominas as a drug
smuggler in one of
the vehicles
fired round after round at them with a semiautomatic weapon. No agents
were hit.
The next night, Cochise County sheriff's deputy Jerry Sevier came across
a pickup that had been
used to
run cocaine through a hole in the border fence near Naco. The truck was
empty. But on the
front
seat was what Sevier interpreted as a message: a fully loaded 45-caliber
revolver.
Like most of the law enforcement professionals in Cochise County, Sevier
lives in Sierra Vista, a
high desert
town that, with its malls, cinema, supermarkets and well-endowed private
schools, is
somewhat
removed from the seediness of the county's two dusty border towns, Naco
and Douglas.
At least that's what Sevier thought a few years ago, before he became a
sheriff's deputy. In those
days,
he was a computer engineer working at a high-tech firm. He almost never
drove into Naco, a
cluster
of trailer homes and wooden houses, or Douglas, with its strip of nightclubs.
Violent drug
trafficking
seemed to have nothing to do with his life.
Then Sevier took this job because he wanted to work in law enforcement.
And he learned that the
violence
was being hatched by his neighbors down the street.
"Before I became a cop I thought I lived in a nice Arizona town," Sevier
said, maneuvering his
patrol
car down a sandy border road where he had chased some heavily armed traffickers
the month
before.
"When I became a cop I realized, hey, this is my neighborhood. The bad
guys are living here too."
For those who work the border, there is no escape from the anxiety. Minarik
and his colleagues
work out
of a low-slung, nondescript building whose few windows are made of bulletproof
glass. The
building
is on a side street in Sierra Vista, but the capos of the drug trade know
it's there.
At the Border Patrol headquarters in Tucson, about two hours away, the
lobby is dominated by a
large
plaque draped in black crepe. Engraved on it are the names of Border Patrol
officers killed in the
line of
duty.
"Warfare along the border has become a lifestyle and a business," Dever
said. "The worst is yet to
come.
No matter how much we spend, the traffickers can spend more."
Like many places along the border, smuggling has been a way of life for
generations in Cochise
County,
with its 83 miles of border snaking across rock-strewn desert and windy
plateaus. A century
ago it
was Chinese workers who made their way across the frontier to work the
copper mines. During
Prohibition,
the economies of Naco, Douglas and other border towns were powered by bootleg
liquor.
And since the 1960s, at least, marijuana smuggling has fueled a thriving
illicit economy.
But about a decade ago, the drug underworld upped the ante. That was when
successful American
interdiction
efforts in the Caribbean began to force as much as three-fourths of the
cocaine grown in
Colombia
and the other Andean countries to reach the U.S. through Mexico.
Mexican smugglers, who had usually been paid in cash to transport drugs,
began taking their cut in
the cargo.
As the Mexicans expanded their own wholesale drug business in the United
States, their
earnings
shot up dramatically, making them significantly richer, more violent and
more defiant.
"The stakes are very high. The competition is very fierce among deeply
entrenched smuggling
organizations.
These guys just have more to lose," said James Woolley, assistant special
agent in
charge
of the DEA's Tucson office. "The guys we run into have instructions to
shoot any resistance
they might
encounter. Gun battles and gunfire exchange is becoming the norm rather
than the
exception."
Washington has responded to the rising violence by pouring more agents
into places like Cochise
County,
and arming them with deadlier weapons. Nationwide, the number of DEA agents
in border
counties
grew 155% between 1994 and 1998. The Border Patrol is increasingly taking
a role in the
anti-drug
battle, in part because its total number of agents has more than doubled
since 1993. The
Customs
Service is on the front lines as well, its heavily armed investigators
roaming border roads in
search
of "mules" loaded down with drugs.
Critics of the buildup decry what they call the militarization of the border,
and point out that it has
done nothing
to stem the growing tide of drugs headed for American cities and towns.
"What we have on the border is a slippery slope of more use of military-style
practices and
equipment
by these agencies, and for what?" said Ethan Nadelmann, director of the
New York-based
Lindesmih
Center, a drug policy research organization that has consistently criticized
the drug war.
"The cocaine,
heroin and other drugs just keep coming."
Even those who insist the buildup is necessary recognize it's easier to
say you're getting tough on
the border
than to do actually do it. The Border Patrol has not been able to recruit
people fast enough
to keep
up with congressional mandates. According to a December report by the General
Accounting
Office
for the three-year hiring period ending Sept. 30, 1999, the Immigration
and Naturalization
Service
had a net hiring shortfall of 594 agents. In fiscal 1999, failure and dropout
rates among Border
Patrol
agents were higher than ever before, the GAO found.
"It's difficult to get [agents] to come in," said David Aguilar, director
of the Border Patrol's Tucson
sector
office. "A lot of times we hire the people, we train them, they look at
the place, they look at
Douglas,
Ariz., and they change their minds."
Agents on the front lines say they need all the help they can get. But
they recognize the deadly calculus
of which
they are part: The more heavily armed agents that Washington stations in
one area of the
border,
the more people the trafficking organizations, with their seemingly endless
resources, hire and arm
to fight
back.
"The drug smugglers seem to be of the mind-set that they don't want to
be deterred by the increased
interdiction
effort that we've mounted in the last two years," said Woolley of the DEA.
"We are at war, and we're experiencing the consequences of that war in
terms of violent encounters,
and I
only see that increasing. A lot of the drug dealers wear bulletproof vests
now. They are prepared
to battle,
and they are prepared to win."
Lee Morgan is a big man who favors cowboy boots and belts with massive
buckles. He has been
working
the border for the federal government since 1974, first with the Border
Patrol and now as a
special
agent for the Customs Service. He remembers when he could pull over a truck
that he knew was
loaded
with illicit drugs and the driver would stop, get out and put up his hands.
"Now you put red lights on a loaded vehicle, he's gonna run. And more than
likely, he's gonna shoot,"
Morgan
said. "They use their vehicles as weapons."
Morgan said that more than half of the agents he supervises at the Customs
office in Douglas have
had to
use their weapons or have come under fire in the last year. The other half
have been assaulted
in some
other fashion.
Two years ago, his agents were being stalked by drug traffickers so frequently
that Morgan
decided
he'd had enough. He trailed one known trafficker who had been driving close
behind one of
his agents
for weeks. By asking about him around town, he tracked down the trafficker's
address: a
spacious
house on a winding street in Douglas. Then he talked to the U.S. Attorney's
office and got a
warrant
for his arrest on charges of intimidating and threatening a federal officer.
The trafficker has been a fugitive, apparently in Mexico, ever since.
"That's the way it goes down here," Morgan said. "At home, we live in glass
houses down here. At
work,
we never know what's gonna happen to us or what kind of shape we're gonna
be in at the end
of it."