The Drug Dealers Next Door
Crime: Cartels exploit L.A.'s size and diversity to set up operations even
in pricey suburban homes,
turning
area into a hub of Mexican narcotics trade.
By STEVE BERRY, Times Staff Writer
In the dead of night, a man pulled his van into a driveway in a peaceful
Santa Clarita neighborhood and
quietly
opened a multimillion-dollar stash house for one of the most violent drug
cartels in Mexico.
He had picked a neat two-story home in Valencia to store millions in income
from drug deals before the
money
was shipped to Mexico. It was in an area where, on a typical day, gardeners
manicure the lawns,
children
play on brightly colored scooters and many narcotics agents and police
officers make their homes.
Two officers--a
married couple--lived next door.
Neighbors said the newcomer and his wife were neither friendly nor unfriendly.
They didn't host streams
of visitors
at odd hours. Once every week or two, they hired a gardener to mow their
lawn.
Like chameleons, the drug dealers quietly blended in. The Los Angeles megalopolis
makes blending in
easy,
and that is one of the key reasons it has become a major nationwide distribution
and shipment hub
in the
huge Mexican drug trade, according to court records and interviews with
top law enforcement
officials
and academics who have studied the burgeoning scourge.
The Southland is a vital connection for the cartels. It links them with
their markets in California and
across
the country. With the area's huge, scattered population of Mexican Americans
and immigrants
from Mexico,
cartel operatives can hide in plain sight. Whether in the barrio, in middle-class
white
suburbia
or in upscale Westwood, they know how to melt into the milieu.
The toll this drug trade takes on the region can be measured in addiction,
murders, robberies and
burglaries
by addicts and drug dealers--and in the fear felt by suburbanites who find
themselves living
near a
major distribution or money-storage point.
"I've seen them in neighborhoods where the cheapest house is over $1 million
and in neighborhoods
where
they are less than $100,000," said Cmdr. Al Scaduto, former head of the
narcotics bureau at the
Los Angeles
County Sheriff's Department.
And for people with roots in Mexico there is an added burden.
"The idea that, apart from the professional drug trafficker, that somehow
the larger [Mexican
American]
community is highly supportive of this activity is guilt by association,"
said Dr. Wayne
Cornelius
of the U.S.-Mexican Study Center at UC San Diego.
"I've interviewed hundreds of immigrants, and they are very fearful that
their children will be exposed
to drugs
in American schools," he said. "Among the negatives they face here, it's
at the top of the list,
along
with finding employment, housing and learning English."
Federal intelligence reports say Los Angeles has become one of the four
or five primary bulk cocaine
distribution
centers in the country, along with Chicago, Houston, New York City and
southern Florida.
The Los
Angeles area has become crucial to the Mexican and Colombian cartels, federal
officials say.
The region's role is more important than ever because the Mexican traffickers
are gaining increasing
control
of their Colombian cocaine supply and beginning to deal directly with sources
in Peru and Bolivia.
With their
already well-established home-grown trade in marijuana, heroin and methamphetamines,
the
Mexican
cartels are solidifying their dominance of the drug market in California
and elsewhere west of
the Mississippi.
At the same time, they are increasingly supplying Eastern markets, often
directly from the Southland.
Key Spot on Trail
Everything about this region--its rich mix of neighborhoods and social
classes, its multiethnic
population
of 16 million, its proximity to the border and its web of freeways, even
its geography and
weather--contributes
to the area's critical spot on the narco trail.
If the drug business is viewed as a corporation, Los Angeles is a major
regional market and
distribution
center, where the product moves down the chain through several levels before
reaching the
user by
way of gangs and individual street dealers.
Corporate headquarters are in Mexico. That is where decisions are made
on production, processing
and exporting
to the regions, such as Southern California.
The L.A. area is also a money hub. Once the drugs are sold, the proceeds
are brought back to the
Southland
and stored pending transport to Mexico.
The Valencia home was one such stash house. When federal and local law
enforcement
officers--acting
on a wiretap lead--bashed down the door, they found guns, $2.6 million
in drug proceeds,
a drug
ledger and a money counter. Unknown to the neighbors, the site was a storehouse
for one of the
largest
drug cells of the murderous Tijuana cartel run by Benjamin Arellano Felix
and his three brothers.
Two men arrested there worked for Jorge Castro, a 32-year-old resident
of the Mexican state of
Sinaloa
who federal officials say is a high-ranking member of the Arellano mob.
With a 55-member gang, Castro ran an operation that distributed drugs to
15 cities across the United
States,
authorities said.
"He was like a chief executive officer and a chief financial officer,"
said one DEA investigator. "He
was the
dope and money man." Castro worked out of his home in Sinaloa or out of
Tijuana.
He took orders directly from personal representatives of the Arellano brothers
on such matters as the
quantity
of a shipment, the price and which cell head to send the drugs to, the
investigator said. Los Angeles
was the
national headquarters for his operation, and he relied on eight men here
to carry out his orders. They
in turn
directed dozens of others spread throughout the country.
Castro's gang was one of at least 262 Mexican drug organizations that federal
and local officials say
they have
dismantled or severely disrupted over the last three years in the Los Angeles
area.
Mirroring the practices of other ethnic-oriented criminal organizations
in the U.S., the Mexican
operations
here rely heavily on relatives or residents who still have family members
in Mexico.
In this respect, crime experts say, the Mexican drug operation follows
a classic American pattern of
criminals
immersing and protecting themselves in a population of their own ethnic
group with which they
share
a language, family ties and connections with hometowns in the old country.
"Organized crime has always used this kind of thing," said David F. Musto,
an expert on the history of
drug abuse
from Yale University's School of Medicine. "You have it in Italian groups,
Jewish groups, the
Irish
organizations in Chicago. There's been a long history of people working
within their own ethnic
groups
because they know and understand them. . . . You are all on the same wavelength.
Also, it
makes
it more difficult [for law enforcement] to infiltrate them."
Operatives of the Mexican criminal organizations have lived in Los Angeles,
Orange, San Bernardino,
Riverside
and Ventura counties for decades, deftly exploiting the region's ungovernable
vastness to
import
drugs and ship them throughout the region or to markets nationwide.
There are so many ways for traffickers to get in, blend in and get out
that officials concede they
cannot
police the trail and all its branches.
"Plug up one leak and another springs up," Scaduto said.
Everything that makes the region a hub for legitimate businesses applies
equally well for the illegal
ones,
whether based locally or anywhere in the world.
Just the size of its market and diversity of its tastes make it perhaps
the most lucrative spot on the
trail.
Drug-use studies show that narcotics preferences vary along ethnic lines.
The region's ethnic mix,
combined
with the size of its market, helps the drug business weather economic problems
such as
changing
tastes, fluctuations in production and law enforcement actions along the
narco trail.
If law enforcement could totally shut down the Mexican connection, Asian
or European drug
organizations
could quickly fill the vacuum and make use of family and religious connections
available in
the Los
Angeles region, federal authorities say.
So big is the market that even local drug organizations can find their
own niche in this disparate
region
and work independently of Mexico's crime mobs.
For example, federal authorities say John David Ward, 28, of Orange took
no orders from Mexico
when he
was running an 11-member drug gang in Orange County that specialized in
methamphetamines,
prescription
drugs and cocaine. One of his top associates was allegedly the president
of the Orange
County
Hells Angels, Howard "Rusty" Coones, who has pleaded not guilty to federal
drug conspiracy
charges.
Ward, who also has pleaded not guilty, would sometimes broker deals involving
a drug organization in
Mexico,
but he was not subservient to it, said Orange County Deputy Dist. Atty.
Jeff Ferguson.
Moreover,
he used local residents to arrange shipments of methamphetamines, prescription
drugs and
cocaine
across the country, and he laundered drug proceeds through local businesses
and relatives, court
papers
allege.
In a major case late last year involving the designer drug Ecstasy, the
accused distributors were of
Middle
Eastern descent, and they looked to Paris, not Tijuana, for their supply
of the hallucinogen. In that
investigation,
U.S. customs agents and San Bernardino County sheriff's deputies caught
up with a
100-pound
Federal Express shipment that had been sent from a Paris furniture company
and was being
delivered
by two drug couriers.
They told authorities they were hired by a Syrian man to deliver it to
an Egyptian man in Westwood
who had
arranged the shipments from France.
That investigation, which is pending, eventually became the biggest Ecstasy
seizure in U.S. history,
customs
officials said. Authorities eventually arrested six people and seized 700
pounds of Ecstasy
valued
at $30 million.
Nevertheless, the Mexican cartels have the competitive advantage in the
drug business here, and
they still
reign supreme.
Castro's gang was so big in the Los Angeles area that it could sustain
huge losses and continue
operating
without much of a pause, said Assistant U.S. Atty. Beverly Reid-O'Connell.
The ring lost more
than $15
million and 3.5 tons of drugs in a series of raids throughout the country
between late 1997 and
mid-1998.
Castro and several of his gang members traveled frequently between Sinaloa
and Los Angeles to run
the business.
On one of those trips six months after the Valencia raid, he and four others
were arrested.
All have
pleaded guilty, and Castro was sentenced in late March to 17 years. Five
others who were
indicted
with him are still at large.
The fact that such organizations flourish here is why officials say the
busiest strand in the spider web
of air,
land and sea corridors still emerges out of Mexico.
Crossing Over
Under throat-burning clouds of exhaust spewing from thousands of cars and
buses crossing the San
Ysidro
port of entry, the drug war becomes a game of hide-and-seek, one that will
be played out from
there
northward into the neighborhoods of Los Angeles.
Every day more than 41,000 cars carrying close to 91,000 people cross the
border at San Ysidro. An
additional
21,000 people just walk across.
The crossers are tourists, Mexican shoppers and workers or drug mules.
The drug mules sit nervously
in the
lanes, trying not to attract attention and hoping the K-9s will not sniff
around their tires.
On a typical day on the border recently, Buster, a chocolate Labrador retriever,
stopped at the car of a
young
female driver and started pawing the left rear tire.
Inside the passenger area, a cross bearing the words "God Is Love" and
a child's doll seemed--in the
law enforcement
context--like contrivances for blending in rather than images of innocence.
Authorities
later
would send the woman back to Mexico, despite the fact that inspectors found
28 vacuum-packed
bundles
of marijuana weighing 83 pounds distributed among the four wheels and a
spare tire. Customs
officials
said prosecutors felt they couldn't prove that she knew about the drugs.
Meanwhile, back in the lanes, inspectors meandered, chatting with drivers
and peering into faces.
Inspector
Brad Nielsen, a 10-year-veteran, said anything can set off his internal
drug alert--shifting eyes,
uncertainty
in the voice, a visibly pulsing blood vessel in the neck, even the number
of keys dangling from
the ignition.
Nielson pointed south into Tijuana at people standing along a white fence
in front of a row of
pharmacies
and gift shops.
"That's where the spotters stand," he said. They study the dogs and inspectors'
tendencies, such as
time spent
per car. "They'll sometimes taunt us, and yell, 'Hey, your dogs missed
a load we just sent
through,'
" Nielsen said.
The smugglers change tactics so much, inspectors say, that officials constantly
have to try to
outguess
them. That means many innocent people get tagged in this game.
Jim Benes, an inspector who closely examines cars singled out by the lane
and booth inspectors, was
suspicious
of Rosa Riojas, 36, of San Ysidro, partly because she wore a tight, clinging
dress revealing
plenty
of cleavage. It's what flirters sometimes wear, hoping to distract inspectors
from their work, he
said.
But Riojas' car was clean.
She rolled her eyes when told of the reasons she sparked suspicion. "I
feel very frustrated," she said.
"I have
never done anything outside the law. This is about three times [that she
has been pulled over]. I
understand
it's a job, but I just feel sometimes they are overbearing."
No tractor-trailers are allowed into the U.S. at San Ysidro, but at the
other four ports of entry on the
California-Mexico
border, a combined 1 million big rigs cross annually, with many of them
hiding drugs.
No one knows for sure how much slips across in the cars and trucks. A rule
of thumb used by law
enforcement
agencies is that 90% of production makes it to market. Inspectors made
close to 5,000
seizures
and found 395,000 pounds of drugs coming from Mexico at San Ysidro and
the other four ports
of entry
last year, up 43% since 1996.
The few who still try to sneak by on foot between those four crossings
attempt to blend in with
groups
of illegal immigrants or hide among the scrub oaks and manzanita brush
in Mexico and wait for
darkness.
Loners throw duffel bags packed with up to 50 pounds of drugs over the
10-foot steel wall that lines
segments
of the California-Mexico border and hike through dry creek beds, canyons
and railroad beds to
drop-off
points. Then they scurry back across the border.
A huge boost in Border Patrol manpower in recent years put a stop to free-flow
illegal immigration and
destroyed
the drug smugglers' ability to blend in with it.
All along the wall, powerful lights turn night into day. Patrolling hills
and valleys farther north, an agent
seldom
rides more than five minutes before encountering a colleague. From summits,
infrared scopes scan
the hilly
landscape, peering down into draws and shadows of the moonlit hills. Throughout
the vastness,
hundreds
of hidden ground sensors record any movements nearby.
Beyond the front-line defenses and a few inland border checkpoints, the
freeway system provides
virtually
limitless combinations of routes into and through the Los Angeles area.
They are the lifelines for
drug cells,
giving operators fast, efficient connections to their scattered stash houses
and, eventually, to
routes
out of the region.
"It's difficult to surveil the cars as they come into the Los Angeles area,"
said Deputy Chief Michael
Stodelle
of the San Bernardino County Sheriff's Department and former head of a
local, state and
federal
drug task force. "And it's easy to lose them in the crowd."
In addition to the freeways and surface roads, drug traffickers sometimes
take advantage of the
region's
long coastline. Federal drug reports say at least 28 drug organizations
have been linked to
maritime
smuggling.
Smugglers mix with offshore pleasure craft, according to a 1998 report
by the National Narcotics
Intelligence
Consumers Committee. When night falls, they slip across the water to the
small bays, hidden
coves
and inlets with their drug cargoes.
Small boats dash out to larger "mother ships" to bring loads to shore,
said Dick Flood, chairman of an
anti-drug
task force's efforts in what is called the Los Angeles High Intensity Drug
Trafficking Area
(comprising
L.A., Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties). The task force, overseen
by the
White
House, includes local, state and federal agencies.
The seaports are also vulnerable spots in the nation's line of defense.
"That's a real issue for customs," Flood said. "Very few drugs are seized
from the ports, but that
doesn't
mean they aren't coming in from there."
John Hensley, former agent in charge of the Customs Service's Los Angeles
office, agreed. He said
inspectors
can examine only 2% to 3% of cargo containers entering the ports. Each
month, about
400,000
enter at the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach.
Nevertheless, Hensley and his successor, Fred Walsh, say overland routes
are the most traveled
paths
on the narco trail to the stash houses and meth labs of the Los Angeles
area.
A wary voice came from a darkened room behind the iron-mesh security door
of a home in a low- to
middle-income
area of San Fernando. The town, where about 90% of the 23,682 residents
are Latino, is
snuggled
between the Golden State and Foothill freeways, two major arteries on the
trail.
The man behind the security door talked quietly about the house next door
where, federal authorities
say, members
of a Mexican drug organization used to meet regularly.
This was a "quiet, peaceful neighborhood" of law-abiding citizens when
he and his wife moved here
28 years
ago, he said. It still is, at least as far as he knows, despite what happened
next door, the man
said,
after he finally emerged from behind the security door. A scraggly beard
hid much of his
weather-beaten
face. He didn't want to give his name.
They lived there two years and never bothered anyone, he said. One resident
was a man, another a
woman
who stayed inside almost all the time. A couple of other men may have lived
there as well, but
he wasn't
sure.
The bearded man said the neighbor was courteous but never offered more
than a polite nod when
they passed.
1998 Raid
In October 1998, federal, state and local officers--acting on wiretap information--swarmed
around
the house
hoping to find drugs. They seized five firearms, including an AK-47 assault
rifle, and $8,000 in
suspected
drug proceeds and empty wrapping materials.
Earlier, they had arrested three men, who were using the house to run a
small Mexican drug cell
headed
by Jose Luis Moreno, 21, of Sylmar. Moreno and one of his associates have
pleaded guilty and
their
sentencing is pending. Charges against the third were dismissed.
Agents said the Moreno cell stored drugs several blocks away at another
house, which they also
raided.
There, they found 140 kilograms of cocaine and marijuana, a money counter
and $200,000 in
cash.
Investigators say the gangsters used the first site as their meeting place.
They had cookouts in the backyard, the neighbor said. It was just men,
"never any women," sitting
around
the barbecue, drinking beer, talking quietly, music playing softly in the
background. They were
friendly
but never invited him over.
"I didn't think much about it at the time," he said.
His reaction to his quiet neighbors was much like that of residents in
the Valencia neighborhood
where
Castro's operatives lived.
The couple who took care of Castro's drug money also were from Mexico.
But the neighborhood
was almost
entirely white.
Nevertheless, with several middle-income, professional Latino families
living there also, the arrival of
another
did not catch anyone's attention, said Lou Latka, who moved into the home
a few months after
the raid.
Across the street, Ilona Valaida, a mother of five, said the exposure to
the seamier side of life was
disturbing.
"This is a family neighborhood, and there are a lot of kids here," she
said. "What if there had been
some kind
of shootout or something?"
The Castro organization also operated a stash house in Industry on Siesta
Street, just one block from
a major
commercial and industrial strip. It's part of a low-income neighborhood
that is almost entirely
Latino.
There are lots of kids there too, but few manicured lawns.
A retired tire factory worker, whose backyard abutted a stash house, said
the Siesta Street residence
isn't
the only scene of a drug bust in his neighborhood. Standing at a fence
along his driveway, he nodded
furtively
toward a house across the street where a rooster strutted about the frontyard.
Federal and local law enforcement officers raided that house about four
or five months ago, he said.
Lowering
his voice to a whisper, he alluded to the house next to his. Police raided
it about eight months
ago. He
doesn't call police. He once complained about a noisy party. "Someone shot
at my house," he
said.
"I don't feel too good about this. But what can you do."
Such feelings of helplessness and fear are about the only factors shared
by the residents of the
Industry,
Valencia and San Fernando neighborhoods.
Mexican Connection
The Mexican cartels' role in Southern California got a major boost in the
late 1980s, when their
relationship
with the Colombia crime organizations changed.
While the Colombians supply the eastern United States directly or through
the Caribbean, they have
usually
worked through Mexican mobs to feed the Los Angeles area, and from here
much of the
Midwest
and some parts of the East.
Traditionally, Colombians had paid Mexican organizations to merely transport
drugs across Mexico
and over
the southwest border, at which point the Colombians would take over.
But by 1989, the Mexican groups had started requiring the Colombians to
pay them in cocaine. Now
the Mexicans
command as much as 50% of the load. That realignment cleared the way for
them to
become
the dominant cocaine power in the western United States, making their distribution
cells, storage
arrangements
and money-laundering operations even more important.
With those hard business advantages, no other supplier in the world could
compete here with the
Mexicans.
The federal Drug Enforcement Administration estimates that 60% to 70% of
the nation's
cocaine
supply enters the U.S. through or by permission of Mexican drug organizations.
The FBI
estimates
that slightly more than half of that amount either winds up or passes through
the Los Angeles
area,
and the rest is shipped directly to other U.S. locations.
The cartels also supply Mexican-grown black tar and brown powder heroin
to feed most of
California's
and the rest of the West's heroin addiction.
They dominate the methamphetamine trade nationwide too. Taking advantage
of looser government
restrictions
on precursor chemicals than those in the United States, they supply meth
ingredients in
California
and operate the biggest labs on both sides of the border. They have made
the region "the meth
pharmacy
for the rest of the country," said Michelle Leonhart, agent in charge of
the DEA's Los
Angeles
field division.
Meth labs range from "Beavis and Butthead operations" that produce less
than a pound in one 12- to
14-hour
cook-off to more sophisticated labs yielding 20 pounds.
Hensley said that California has about 65% of the working meth labs in
the U.S. and that three out of
four of
those are in the Southland.
Most of the largest labs have been found in rural Los Angeles County, said
Ed Manavian, director of
an interagency
drug enforcement clearinghouse. In the last quarter of 1999, they found
nine laboratories
in the
county capable of producing 20 pounds of meth in one cook. They also shut
down 47 smaller labs
and 201
stove-top operations across L.A., Orange, San Bernardino and Riverside
counties.
As for marijuana, much is home-grown, but Mexican drug cartels supply most
of what is seized in
this area.
U.S. Customs Service agents on the Mexican border seized 385,000 pounds
of marijuana last
year,
a 55% increase over 1997.
The Arellano brothers in Tijuana dominate the drug paths into California.
In addition to controlling the
Baja Peninsula,
they operate in Jalisco and Michoacan, the states of origin for the largest
proportions of
Mexicans
and Mexican Americans living in Los Angeles County, a situation that gives
drug traffickers a
large
community in which their drug cells can blend.
Hundreds of Cells
Hundreds of drug cells work the Los Angeles area, each operating independently
of the others, with
the leader
taking orders directly from representatives of the drug lords in Mexico,
said Lou Riegal,
assistant
special agent in charge of the FBI's Los Angeles office.
Many of the cell leaders live on both sides of the border. For the most
part, state and federal officials
believe
that the people operating in the Los Angeles area are four or five ranks
below the top of the drug
hierarchy.
They deal in quantities of 100 to 500 kilograms of cocaine (220 to 1,100
pounds) at a time,
amounts
several levels above those that street and motorcycle gangs sell to street
dealers.
In such large organizations, workers specialize. Some are experts in finding
stash houses. Others
focus
on recruiting people to move the drugs. Still others transport and launder
money. They even have
communication
specialists who know where to find the discreet cell phone vendors who
don't ask
questions
or demand a lot of identification from their subscribers.
Often, some specialists freelance and work for several different cells.
The cells are tightly knit and almost impossible to infiltrate, federal
officials say, because they rely on
family
ties and long associations.
Castro used a brother-in-law of one of his key workers to distribute drugs,
collect money and send it
to Mexico,
court papers say.
One of his drivers, apparently lacking a local address, registered his
drug-smuggling car to his sister's
address.
And one of his transport operatives arranged a layover at the home of a
worker's grandmother during
a money
run to Mexico.
Family Loyalty Pivotal
"One of the things Latin culture points to is family loyalty," said Leo
F. Estrada, a demographer at the
UCLA School
of Public Policy.
He said families are often large and binational. The strong bonds are not
confined to parents,
grandparents
and children, but envelop in-laws, aunts, uncles, cousins and even godparents
in both
countries.
"Families travel on both sides of the border to keep in touch," he said.
"They go to all the weddings,
birthdays,
funerals. It's a relational system that builds up over time."
Flood, the state narcotics bureau officer, said Mexican drug organizations
are very selective within
the Mexican
community in hiring cell operatives.
"In some areas--Sinaloa is one of them--[drug trafficking] has been an
industry for years, and when
they employ
people who come from there, they don't have to train them, because they
have been around
the business
all of their lives. They know what to do," he said.
"They still have ties down there, so these organizations just feel more
comfortable using people who
come from
the areas [of Mexico] they control."
They follow the "Sicilian Mafia model," he said. "The family won't give
you up."