CIA: Most Cubans loyal to homeland
Agency believes various ties to island bind the majority
By Robert Windrem
NBC NEWS PRODUCER
NEW YORK, April 12 — Cuban-American exile leaders — and many Republicans
in Congress —
believe that no Cuban, including Juan Miguel Gonzalez, could withstand
the blandishments of
a suburban American lifestyle, that he and all other Cubans would gladly
trade their
“miserable” lives in Cuba for the prosperity of the United States — if
only given the chance.
Witness House Minority Leader Dick Armey’s invitation to Gonzalez, offering
him a tour of a
local supermarket. But U.S. intelligence suggests otherwise.
THE CIA has long believed that while 1 million to 3 million Cubans would
leave the island if they had the
opportunity, the rest of the nation’s 11 million people would stay behind.
While an extraordinarily high number, there are still 8 million to 10 million
Cubans happy to remain
on the island.
Between 1959, when Castro took power, and 1962, about 215,000 Cubans —
many of them middle
class — joined 124,000 Cubans estimated to already be living in the United
States.
In 1980, the Mariel boatlift brought another 125,000 refugees to Florida.
Castro opened up the port
of Mariel to allow the departure of convicted criminals and mental patients
along with others who wanted to
leave, leading to a tightening of U.S. policy.
New waves of Cuban refugees reached American shores in the mid-1990s as
the Cuban
economy continued to deteriorate. Thousands headed for the Florida coast
aboard makeshift rafts were
plucked from the ocean or sent to camps at the U.S. naval base in Guantanamo.
The United States agreed in
September 1994 to accept a minimum of 20,000 Cubans a year. By 1998, the
number of Cuban-Americans
living in the United States was estimated at more than 1,400,000.
The CIA believes there are many reasons Cubans are content to remain in
their homeland. Some don’t
want to be separated from home, family and friends. Some fear they would
never be able to return, and still
others just fear change in general. Officials also say there is a reservoir
of loyalty to Fidel Castro and, as in
the case of Juan Miguel Gonzalez, to the Communist Party.
U.S. officials say they no longer regard Cuba as a totalitarian state with
aggressive policies toward its people,
but instead an authoritarian state, where the public can operate within
certain bounds — just not push the envelope.
More important, Cuban media and Cuban culture long ago raised the banner
of nationalism above that of
Marxism.
The intelligence community says the battle over Elian has presented Castro
with a “unique opportunity” to
enhance that nationalism.
There is no indication, U.S. officials say, of any nascent rebellion about
to spill into the streets, no great
outpouring of support for human rights activists in prison. In fact, there
are fewer than 100 activists on the island
and a support group of perhaps 1,000 more, according to U.S. officials.
No doubt, they say, continuing hardship — and an increasingly fragile infrastructure
— could lead to
demonstrations at some point, but there have been no such protests since
the riots of Aug. 4, 1994, when 30,000
people gathered in the streets of Havana, frightening Cuban officials and
shocking U.S. intelligence.
Officials say they are unsure of how Castro will use a victory in the Elian
crisis to enhance his position, but they
have no doubt he will try.
Robert Windrem is an investigative producer for NBC News.