HAVANA (Reuters) -- It was not the titanic clash many had predicted
between the 20th century's leading anti-Communist "exterminating angel"
and
one of its last Marxist rulers, nor did it bring the walls of Fidel Castro's
four-decade-old Cuban government tumbling down as his foes had
dreamed.
In fact, one year after Pope John Paul II's ground-breaking visit to Castro's
Cuba-- and as the pope concludes a six-day visit to Mexico and the United
States-- not much seems to have changed fundamentally on this Caribbean
island, which remains the Western Hemisphere's only bastion of communism.
Beyond the hype and below the surface, however, the papal trip set in
motion a series of undramatic but significant shifts that have been clearly
evidenced in the last 12 months and that should continue playing themselves
out into the next century, analysts and diplomats here say.
"Remember the church has been around for 2000 years and has learned
patience. They weren't looking for instant returns but were sowing seeds
for
the long-term future," a Latin American diplomat in Havana said.
"After the pope came and went without much fireworks the world lost
interest and so lost sight of its real significance at a subtler level.
The fact
your average Catholic no longer fears going to Mass every week speaks for
itself, doesn't it?"
CASTRO REAPED GAINS OF PAPAL TRIP
For many, the biggest winner so far from the papal visit has probably been
Castro, despite predictions his downfall would be hastened by the
Polish-born pope who was credited with helping end communism in eastern
Europe and who was ironically dubbed by Castro himself communism's
"exterminating angel."
The pontiff's presence to some extent served to legitimize Castro's
long-isolated government in the world's eyes and opened the gates to a
stampede of visits by high-ranking officials and personalities from around
the
world.
Barely a week went by in 1998 without some high-profile visitor in town,
from senior officials such as Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and
European Union foreign ministers to Hollywood stars, sportsmen and even
a
pair of supermodels.
That trend has not let up in 1999. In January alone, Castro entertained,
among others, the foreign ministers of Belgium and Canada, heads of state
from Suriname and Colombia, Venezuela's President-elect Hugo Chavez
and hundreds of international economists who attended a conference in
Havana.
Now Cuba is preparing to host the King of Spain this spring, heads of state
from the entire Hispanic world at November's Ibero-American Summit and
presidents from around the globe at a Group of 77 meeting scheduled for
Havana in 2000.
As well as opening the diplomatic floodgates, the pontiff's condemnation
of
the 37-year U.S. economic embargo on Cuba helped solidify growing world
opposition to the sanctions, which is a central plank of Havana's political
platform.
And, officials say, Cuba got a justified image boost. "The world was able
to
see our people up close, about whom so much is said abroad," Isidro
Gomez of the ruling Communist Party's Office for Religious Affairs told
Reuters in an interview. "There was a better diffusion of our reality.
That
gave the world a positive image. It broke the stereotypes."
Gomez said the world was shown specifically that religious freedom does
exist in Cuba. "It proved that indeed the churches are alive in Cuba and
develop their work and activity without impediment, that the revolution
understands their role in society."
CHURCH 'CAME OUT OF THE CLOSET'
For Cuba's Catholic Church, marginalized for decades after Castro's 1959
revolution, the immediate benefits of the visit were obvious: unprecedented
access to the island's state-run media, powerful external support, open-air
Mass activities and scores of prisoner releases at the Vatican's request.
"It was like the church came out of the closet after all these years,"
one
Western diplomat in Havana said.
Since then, the church has played a delicate game with the government,
seeking to build gradually on those concessions while not antagonizing
authorities and halting the process.
That policy bore some fruits in 1998: occasional radio appearances by
church leaders, albeit on obscure stations; permission to hold unprecedented
open-air processions during major festivals; authorization for dozens more
foreign and religious workers to move to the island, and a small increase
in
attendance at churches.
At the end of the year, the church plucked its biggest prize to date: the
permanent restoration of Christmas Day as a public holiday after its abolition
30 years ago.
"The church is satisfied with the progress made. It's been slow but has
brought concrete things," church spokesman Orlando Marquez told Reuters.
"That makes us think that in the future this will continue. ... Things
take time.
The structures and mentalities of four decades don't change in a year."
The "taboo" about being Catholic in Cuba had diminished thanks to the
papal trip but not disappeared, Marquez said.
"In some places they've authorized processions, but in others not. In some
places a young person can wear a crucifix, but in others not. In some rural
schools a youngster can carry a Bible, in others not."
Among the church's most important outstanding petitions to the state are
a
return of religious education and more permanent space for Catholics in
the
mainstream media.
Gomez, of the religious affairs office, said there were "perspectives"
for
giving the church more media access this year. "There is not an opposition
to
that. We are evaluating how to achieve that space," he said, adding,
however, that Protestant, Afro-Caribbean and other religious groups would
have to be given equal treatment.
But religious education is a nonstarter, Gomez said. The government will
not
allow a return to "privileged" private schools, and with such a diversity
of
religions Cuba's national education system cannot adopt just one faith
to
teach.
"Sometimes the (Catholic) church sees this from the point of view that
it is
the only religion, but it's not." he said.
SHOULD CHURCH TURN MORE RADICAL?
While the church and government are relatively upbeat about the lasting
impact of the pope's trip, Castro's biggest critics in and outside Cuba
are
scathing. They say Havana has exploited the visit shamelessly to earn
political breathing space while offering "crumbs" to the church in return
and
totally ignoring the pope's calls for greater political freedom.
"Just by the pope being on the island it made it seem that Castro had
changed his evil tune. But in fact none of that has happened. It's a false
impression," said Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, a Florida Republican and
hard-line Castro foe.
"Changes have been cosmetic and fleeting. We are no more closer to
democracy now than before," she said. "There are no less political prisoners
now than before, or freedom of press. If we still have all of that, what
has
been accomplished?"
She and others, including exile leaders abroad and dissidents at home,
express disappointment that the Catholic Church has not taken a more
radical, pro-democracy stance in Cuba as it has in Eastern Europe and
Central America.
"In Cuba it's almost another arm of the government because they have never
wanted to rock the boat," Ros-Lehtinen said.
Some exile leaders have hinted the church may be brought to account in
a
future post-Castro Cuba for its "diplomatic" stance. But more moderate
elements praise the church for putting practical results before dangerous
posturing.
Catholic leaders themselves remain crystal-clear in saying they do not
want
to become a de facto opposition force to challenge Cuba's one-party
Communist system.
"The church cannot be the opposition which doesn't exist in Cuba,"
spokesman Marquez insisted. "Its function is not a political one ... not
to
elaborate a transition program."
Copyright 1999 Reuters.