Another of Castañeda’s insidious lies
HAVING seen, read and heard about incidents in his recent,
not-so-recent and distant past – Castañeda’s record is well known
here – we cannot ignore one of his most recent statements to the
press, and clearly not the last, on what he has described as Cuba’s
"double-dealing" in relation to an alleged request made by the
Havana government to the Mexican government, to purchase oil
derivatives on a credit line from the Banco de Comercio Exterior
(Mexican Foreign Trade Bank, known as Bancomext).
And he said more, as if to confuse his affirmation with other issues:
"As far as I know, we do not make any such sales [of oil and oil
derivatives]. There could have been a shipment now and again, but in
principle we do not sell them oil. They are not dependent on us, they
get all their oil from Venezuela, practically free."
That statement from the secretary of foreign affairs is another
colossal lie.
Since President Castro’s political statement on April 22, Cuba has not
asked for any credit or made any financial contact whatsoever, and
neither has it had any communication or meeting with Mexican
institutions or officials.
The credit to which Secretary of Foreign Affairs Castañeda may have
been referring dates back to 1993, when the establishment of a joint
venture in telecommunications between the Cuban telephone
company and a Mexican one led to a credit granted by the Banco de
Comercio Exterior de Mexico, which Cuba utilized to purchase oil, and
payments on which have been rigorously adhered to.
That 1993 agreement established that once the principal began to be
paid back, Cuba could receive similar credits, in line with current
commercial practice.
What could be mentioned is that the negotiation process, to secure
that legitimate and normal facility, was a protracted and difficult one.
Negotiations commenced at the beginning of 2001 and it was not
until March 5 of this year that an agreement was reached, without
the Mexican authorities having concluded all the procedures required
to put that agreement fully into practice.
As can be appreciated, a credit dating back to 1993, agreed upon
during Carlos Salinas de Gortari’s presidential term and updated
under the terms of the original agreement, in a process that lasted
for virtually all of 2001 and concluded in March of this year, cannot
be utilized to talk of the Cuban "double-dealing" to which Mr.
Castañeda alludes, in order to lie, distort reality and attempt
to
confuse public opinion in a gross manner.
Both the ’93 agreement and the 2001 negotiations that would allow
Cuba to have fresh access to the credit that it continues to repay,
have not only been useful to Cuba, but particularly beneficial for
Mexico. On both occasions the Mexican government guaranteed that
it would collect not only the principal owed to Bancomext for the
1993 loan – which could only be drawn on once the corresponding
interest had been paid – but also prior debts that were being paid off
at the same time.
In addition, the 1993 agreement allowed Mexican enterprises to
participate in important sectors of the Cuban economy, like tourism,
as well as the above-mentioned telecommunications.
Aside from the fact that those credits predate the current political
conflict, they do not in any way constitute a Cuban request or a
Mexican offer: this was an agreement reached under normal
economic relations between two countries, and we do not know
whether Castañeda’s game now is to try to damage these links as
well, in which case nobody should have any doubt that the
responsibility will be his and therefore that of his government.
It should be added that in these and other trade operations, as is
traditional for obvious reasons related to the economic warfare
imposed by our superpower neighbor, Cuban authorities have always
handled such negotiations with the appropriate discretion, in order to
avoid pressure on Mexico and as a need imposed by 43 years of
blockade. However, in a communiqué on March 6, the Mexican
Foreign Secretariat announced that the two countries had signed an
agreement that restructured the Cuban debt of $380 million USD,
with a 10-year payment period, and affirmed "the willingness of both
governments to establish a healthy and stable financial and
commercial relationship." There was absolutely no explanation of the
antecedents, circumstances and mutual suitability of that kind of
agreement.
According to that country’s Foreign Secretariat, the possibility then
arose of Mexico increasing its exports to Cuba, the island having
recourse to a facility of acquiring Mexican goods to the value of $30
million USD initially. The communiqué noted that the signing had
taken place at the Mexican embassy in Havana, cited the officials
involved and reported the liquidation of a debt of $36 million USD to
Bancomext on the part of the National Bank of Cuba. It is obvious
that there was a difference between what was paid and what was
received, and that the aforementioned $30 million USD was for
purchasing Mexican manufactured goods.
In line with international practice in business matters, after the signing
of these agreements and before implementing them there are a
series of steps to complement the documentation, authenticate it,
etc., which in this case were being carried out, until recently, by the
National Bank of Cuba and Bancomext. But it should be made
perfectly clear that since Monday, April 22, the executives of both
banks – which are the authorities responsible for the materialization
of the credit – have had no contact whatsoever.
The Mexican press has sought out information and arguments on this
matter, making Castañeda’s new insidious conduct perfectly clear.
In
its April 25 edition, Milenio daily, in an article entitled "Oil negotiation
between Cuba and Mexico firmed up in February," announces that
although Petróleos Mexicanos (PEMEX) has not sold oil to Cuba since
1997, "until last February, talks were under way between PEMEX and
Cubapetroleo on a plan promoted by Mexico to renew and finance
the purchase of oil and its derivatives, prospecting in the Cuban zone
of the Gulf of Mexico, and another type of investment."
In his investigation of the "news" offered by the Mexican foreign
secretary – or rather, Castañeda’s new lie and perfidy — journalist
Luis Carriles notes under the subtitle "Cuba responds: the request
was formally accepted" that Cuba has not asked for anything in the
midst of the current crisis with Mexico, nor during the Monterrey
Summit, nor as a result of the Venezuelan crisis.
And the information added that what Secretary of Foreign Affairs
Castañeda gave President Fox on April 24 is a document drafted
three months previously, "in the framework of renegotiating the
Cuban debt, which has now been totally repaid, in cash, to the last
cent." Precisely because the debt had been repaid, he continues, "a
credit to purchase oil derivatives and three or four other items was
mentioned as a Mexican offer." The only mention on the subject of
oil in recent months "came from Mexico when, in the midst of the
Chávez crisis, the Fox government offered Cuba the possibility of
replacing the Venezuelan supplies in the framework of the San José
Pact, to which Cuba did not respond at all." On the same day that
Mexico notified Cuba that it would vote in favor of the Uruguayan
resolution in Geneva, Ricardo Pascoe, Mexican ambassador in Cuba,
restated the offer. Fidel Castro responded to it in the negative,
saying, ‘Thank you very much, but that was charity,’ and that Mexico
wanted to buy dignity with oil."
It is worth adding that subsequent clarifications by PEMEX executives
were also deceptive, as we have been able to confirm that there has
definitely not been any Cuban request to PEMEX since the emergence
of the serious political conflict between the two governments, either
for oil supplies or even in relation to the already explained Bancomext
credit line.
Thus any assertion on Cuban government efforts to obtain Mexican
credits for such ends is the result of a pathological obsession that
could inflict damage on the Cuban economy but, in this case, much
greater damage on Mexico’s own interests.
In relation to the base assertion that Cuba receives all its petroleum
free from Venezuela, we have to clarify that Venezuelan oil supplies
to the island respond to the Caracas Agreement, which covers the
Central American and Caribbean countries, through which Cuba
receives barely one third of its national annual consumption. Cuba
systematically pays what was agreed upon, in mutually accepted
time periods and terms, as the executives of PDVESA, the
Venezuelan oil enterprise, have recently acknowledged. Other
countries receive more than 50% of what they consume from that
source, and some up to 100%.
In the face of facts contradicting the "double-dealing" of which Mr.
Castañeda attempted to accuse Cuba when he reappeared on the
scene on April 24, it is worth asking what lies behind his new
maneuvers, intrigues and lies.
For our part, we should reemphasize that no threat or attempt to
pressure in any way can intimidate Cuba in the slightest. No real or
potential adversary has any reason, antecedents or basis for ignoring
the history of the last four decades.