Fortification and Siege of Port Hudson--Compiled by the Association
of Defenders
of Port Hudson; M. J. Smith, President; James Freret, Secretar
The village of Port Hudson is situated on a north and south bluff on
the east, or left bank of the Mississippi river, about eighty feet above
low water, and about thirty miles above Baton Rouge.
About two miles above, the river, from a southward course, turns about
due east, directly against the village and against the bluff, by which
it is suddenly turned south again for about five miles. It then curves
again towards the east, dividing into two branches, which form Prophet's
Island.
The village was built just at the angle formed by the sudden turn of
the river above noted. The bluff extended a few hundred yards above the
angle, and then went down to a ravine, beyond which was a steep, narrow
ridge, cut vertically on the west.
A short distance beyond is Sandy creek, crossed by a bridge, from which
a road lead under the knoll and bluff to the angle of the river.
Westward from this road, and north of the river, was a marsh, extending
to the southward branch of the river first above noted. Thomson's creek
flowed through this marsh to the river.
About a mile and a half below the village, the bluff was cut by a ravine
about three hundred yards wide, which came down in a southwesterly direction,
with ramifications towards the village in the rear.
Eastwardly from the village, the plateau extended into extensive fields,
from which roads ran to Jackson, Clinton, Bayou Sara and Baton Rouge.
To the north, the ground became suddenly very much broken, densely
wooded, and almost impassable, for a few hundred yards, to Sandy creek,
a branch of Thomson's creek.
A railroad, in very bad working order, ran from Port Hudson to Clinton,
thirty-three miles northeast.
The following account is compiled from-
1st. Official report of Colonel Steedman, First Alabama regiment, commanding
left wing of defences.
2d. Official report of General Miles, Miles's Legion, commanding right
wing.
3d. Two official reports of Colonel Marshall J. Smith, commanding heavy
artillery.
4th. Narration of the Siege, published by Lieutenant Wright in the
New Orleans Weekly True Della, September 5, 1863.
5th. Narration of James Francis Fitts in The Galaxy for September,
1866--"A June Day at Port Hudson." (Federal.)
6th. Orville J. Victor's History of the War. (Federal.)
7th. Report (official) of Fred. Y. Dabney, First Lieutenant-Engineer
Confederate States Navy, Chief Engineer at Port Hudson.
THE POSITION AND OCCUPATION.
The occupation of Port Hudson had been determined on in July, 1862,
and the attack by General Breckenridge on Baton Rouge, early in the succeeding
month, was a preliminary step. Brigadier-General Ruggles was left to commence
the work of fortifying the ground. The Essex, an iron-clad gun-boat, being
in the river above, heavy guns could not be brought down by boats. The
plan of detached works was the one decided upon, and the first lunette
was thrown up on the Baton Rouge road, four miles below Port Hudson.
This line would have been eight miles in length, and, according to
military rule, would have required for its defence a force of 28,000 men,
with a reserve of 7,000, making a garrison of 35,000 strong, with at least
seventy pieces of artillery. It is not surprising, therefore, that this
system was soon abandoned as impracticable.
NEW SYSTEM OF DEFENCE.
A change of commanders placed Brigadier-General H. N. R. Beal in charge
of Port Hudson. A different system of defence was decided upon, and the
work commenced. This was a continuous indented or angular line of parapet
and ditch, on a more contracted scope. A line was surveyed, commencing
about two miles and a half below Port Hudson, describing a slight curve
to a point on Sandy creek, a mile back of the town. For about three-quarters
of a mile from the river the line crossed a broken series of ridges, plateaus
and ravines, taking advantage of high ground in some places and in others
extending down a deep declivity; for the next mile and a quarter it traversed
Gibbon's and Slaughter's fields, where a wide, level plain seemed formed
on purpose for a battlefield; another quarter of a mile carried it through
deep and irregular gullies, and for three quarters of a mile more it led
through fields and on hills to a deep gorge, in the bottom of which lay
Sandy creek. Thence to the river was about a mile and a half.
This was a line four miles and a half long, which, according to all
military writers, required fifteen thousand men to hold, with a reserve
of from three to five thousand.
Work was commenced and lingered on through the summer and fall; the
breastworks thrown up were the smallest and weakest allowed in engineering,
made in the roughest manner, and reveted with fence rails.
A small force of negroes was kept at work on the line in a desultory
manner for several months, and then the soldiers were called to help. When
General Banks threatened an attack, about the 10th of March, the work was
still unfinished. Some little activity now became manifest, so that when
the siege really commenced, in May, the line had reached the broken ground
to the north, at the Clinton road.
THE ESSEX.
Soon after the occupation of Port Hudson the gloomy looking Essex floated
down opposite to us, and went up the river again. The water batteries were
then in process of excavation.
The Essex next got ready to go down, and taking the Anglo-American
on her starboard side, ran past at four o'clock in the morning. Besides
a few field pieces, we opened on her with two 42-pounders and a 20-pounder
Parrott which had just arrived, though without expectation of injuring
the ironclad. She replied to our fire, killing one of our horses, and our
guns ceased firing as she passed out of their respective range.
THE RIVER BATTERIES.
During the fall and winter, heavy guns for the river defence occasionally
arrived, and they were severally placed in position. A three pit battery
was constructed at the water's edge, and two other batteries dug at a height
of from fifty to sixty feet, being below the top of the bluff.
General Gardner took command on the 27th of December, and immediately
ordered changes, particularly as regarded subjects of engineering skill.
The whole system of the river defence was altered so as to cluster the
heaviest guns together, and bring them all within a more contracted scope,
which enabled them to deliver a more concentrated fire, as well as to support
each other with more effect. Evidences of awakened energy were seen on
every side, and the spirit of the troops never was at a higher pitch.
A week before General Gardner came to Port Hudson, Banks's army had
landed at Baton Rouge, re-occupying and fortifying the
city.
GENERAL BANKS'S ADVANCE.
During the months of January and February troops arrived in considerable
number. Three brigades were formed; one given to General Beall, composed
principally of troops from his own State (Arkansas), and the other commands
were assumed by Brigadier-Generals S. B. Maxey and John Gregg, of Texas.
In March another brigade arrived commanded by Brigadier-General Rust. The
enemy finally exhibited signs of activity, and about the 10th of March
it became known that General Banks would make a demonstration of some kind.
He did move out of Baton Rouge on the 12th and approached us with his whole
force. It was confidently expected that he would attack us with some vigor,
and our dispositions were according made on the 13th.
General Gregg held the right of our line of intrenchments, General
Maxey the centre and General Beall the left. General Rust's brigade was
in advance.
On the afternoon and during the night of the 14th, Rust's brigade,
in the woods before our lines, felt the enemy's advance and tried, but
in vain, to draw him on.
General Rust sent in requesting permission to make his way around Banks's
right flank and rear, while the balance of the troops sallied forth and
attacked in front. This permission was refused; in the hope of drawing
the enemy into an assault.
Meanwhile the fleet moved up as follows:
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL MARSHALL J. SMITH'S REPORT OF THE BATTLE AT PORT
HUDSON ON THE NIGHT OF MARCH 14TH, 1863.
PORT HUDSON, LOUISIANA, March 15th, 1863.
To Major-General FRANK GARDNER:
GENERAL,--Yesterday morning the Federal fleet consisting of the
Steamship Hartford, 26 9-inch and 1 10-inch guns.
Gunboat Kineo, 1 11-inch and 4 32-pounders.
Steamship Richmond, 23 9-inch guns.
Gunboat Gennessee, with battery of 11-inch and 9-inch guns, number
not known. <shv14_309>
Gun-boat Monongahela, 1 200-lb, rifled; 1 11-inch, and several 9 inch
guns.
Steamship Mississippi, 20 8-inch and 1 11-inch pivot, with a 20-lb.
Parrott, and several 12 and 24-pounder howitzers in tops.
The Essex, ironclad, gunboat Sachem, and six mortar boats, each carrying
1 13-inch mortar, arranged around and across the point below Troth's landing.
About 2 P.M. the line of mortar boats behind the point opened fire,
and continued to increase their range, until they threw their shells inside
the breastworks, and as far up as General Gregg's headquarters. They continued
to shell until 6 o'clock P.M., when they ceased.
About 11 o'clock P.M. the mortar boats again opened a heavy fire. Signals
to notify us of the approach of the enemy were made from Troth's landing
and the opposite bank, and the men and officers went gallantly to their
guns. About half-past 11 Lieutenant-Colonel P. F. de Gournay, commanding
left wing, opened upon the advancing enemy. The six vessels first named,
closing up in single file, opened their heavy broadside fires as they approached
our batteries. The engagement now became general; the enemy's guns numbered
between ninety and one hundred, all of the largest calibre. * * * * * Instructions
given to light fires on the opposite side of the river were not carried
out. * * * * *
The fleet now closed up on the flag-ship and came within easy range
of our batteries, taking the channel close under the bank, our plunging
shot telling with deadly effect. * * * * *
The flag-ship, with a gunboat on her port side, came so near to our
battery that a pistol shot would have taken effect on her deck at this
moment. Owing to the want of reliable friction tubes, we were compelled
to use the priming horn and port fires, which, at best, are unreliable
in a dark night from imperfect priming; besides, port fires give evidence
of our position to the enemy.
The Hartford and gunboat passed up under a heavy fire.
As soon as the Richmond turned our point, and had received several
shots, I perceived that she was crippled, and had commenced drifting down
the river. A most terrific fire was directed upon her with telling effect.
Another vessel was crippled in the same manner, and, as she fell past our
batteries, cried out not to fire, that they were in a sinking condition,
but did not acknowledge a surrender, and we continued to fire.
The Mississippi, the last of the line, had her rudder shot away and
became unmanageable and fell astern, grounded on the opposite side; and
so deadly was the effect of our shot, she was deserted by her crew (three
hundred in number), who landed on the other side of the river, forty-five
of whom have since been taken prisoners. * *
We soon discovered flames issuing from the Mississippi that lighted
up the river, and, as she drifted down, her heated guns and shells exploding
caused a terrific noise.
About half-past four in the morning her magazine exploded, and she
sunk to the bottom (some miles below). A few minutes past two (A.M.) the
engagement ended. I cannot close this already long report without expressing
my high appreciation of the promptness, coolness, and gallantry of Colonel
J. G. W. Steedman and Lieutenant-Colonel P. F. de Gournay, commanding the
right and left wings of the heavy artillery, and also to their officers
and men.
I beg leave also to recommend to your favorable consideration Captain
James A. Fisher, First Tennessee battalion art'f.; Lieutenant-Colonel E.
S. M. Lebuton, volunteer aid, and Captain Ls. Girard, of the Ordance Department,
who acted aids and assistants to me during the engagement. Their services
were invaluable to me, and they conducted themselves in a manner worthy
of the cause for which they fought. Mr. H. B. McGruder, of the Signal Corps,
lit the only fire on the opposite side, which he must have done under a
heavy fire, and for which he deserves your notice.
In concluding, General, I must congratulate you upon commanding such
gallant men as man your heavy batteries; with them you will never know
defeat.
I am, General, respectfully,
Your most obedient servant,
[Signed] MARSHALL J. SMITH,
Lieutenant-Colonel and Chief of Heavy Artillery.
The mortar fleet kept up a continuous rain of bomb-shells upon our
batteries, which, in the absorbing duties and interest of the fight with
the ships in front of us, were totally unheeded; not one of them entered
a battery nor injured a man. We had one lieutenant slightly wounded in
the arm and a private wounded in the foot, both of them by pieces of exploding
shells from the fleet. These were our entire casualties. Not a gun was
struck or injured in any way.
After this, General Banks returned to Baton Rouge and commenced his
campaign against General Taylor. The necessity of obtaining a store of
provisions now became more apparent; forage, particularly, becoming scarce.
But little could be had from the opposite side of the river on account
of Banks's invasion, and, to increase the difficulty in that quarter, some
of General Dudley's cavalry came up the Pointe Coupée shore and
burned a small steamboat we had on False river.
THE GRIERSON RAID.
We were collecting a large lot of corn in Mississippi, but transportation
was scarcely to be had, and when we were ready to commence bringing it
down the Grierson raid was announced, and orders were sent to let it, the
corn, remain where it was, lest it might be discovered on its way and destroyed.
Nearly all the cavalry at Port Hudson was sent up through Woodville
to Liberty, with orders to attack wherever they could find the enemy. Grierson
made a movement toward Liberty, and our: cavalry formed their line of battle
and waited for his attack. This violation of General Gardner's orders enabled
Grierson to get a long start on a new track, heading for Greensburg, on
the Baton Rouge and Tangipahoa road. When it was learned at Port Hudson
that Grierson had escaped our cavalry, two regiments of infantry and a
section of artillery were dispatched to occupy the Tangipahoa and Baton
Rouge road and intercept him, should he try to get in that way. At night
they halted and bivouacked within eight miles of the bridge they were ordered
to seize and hold.
At Greensburg, Grierson's column was ambuscaded by a company of Wingfield's
cavalry, and he lost a lieutenant-colonel, major and some others. News
of this affair, and of the route they were taking, reached General Gardner
late in the evening, and he at once dispatched a courier to our infantry,
with orders, in case they had reached their destination that night, to
proceed without loss of time. This dispatch failed to reach its destination,
and Grierson's whole column crossed the bridge at daylight, within a few
miles of our approaching infantry, and got safely into Baton Rouge.
PORT HUDSON ORDERED TO BE EVACUATED.
Events now began to thicken in the department. The enemy, having successfully
passed a fleet by the Vicksburg batteries, were enabled to cross over an
army from the opposite bank and threaten Vicksburg from the lower side,
its most vulnerable part. General Joseph E. Johnston had come to Jackson
to look after affairs in our quarter, and the order came to evacuate Port
Hudson and send its garrison to the assistance of Jackson and Vicksburg.
Rust's and Buford's brigades were sent off on the 4th of May, Gregg's followed
on the 5th, and Maxey's brigade took up its line of march on the 8th. Miles's
Legion was the next to follow.
The only troops remaining were Beall's brigade and the heavy artillery.
These movements were not made without information quickly reaching the
enemy, and, in the hope of capturing our rear-guard, or at least of preventing
the destruction of our works and heavy guns, a rapid advance on the place
was commenced. General Gardner had not got beyond Clinton, Louisiana, when
he learned that General Augur had left Baton Rouge with his division to
attack Port Hudson, and that General Banks, instantly abandoning his Louisiana
campaign, was approaching the Mississippi river at Bayou Sara by forced
marches, dispatched to Colonel Miles to return at once with his Legion;
and preparations were made to withstand a siege. Some provisions were obtained
from the opposite side of the river, and, in presence of the fleet above
and below us, three hundred head of beef, four hundred head of sheep, and
four hundred bushels of corn crossed the river to Port Hudson up to the
night of the 21st May, when the place was finally closed on all sides.
The Eleventh Arkansas regiment, Colonel J. L. Logan, were mounted to act
as cavalry, and serve outside in harassing the rear of an investing force.
THE MORTAR BOATS OPEN FIRE.
On the morning of the 8th May their mortar boats were brought up to
a position on the left bank, about four and a half miles below the town
of Port Hudson, and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon they opened fire for
the purpose of getting the range of the river batteries, so as to bombard
them during the night. These batteries were eleven in all, numbered from
right to left. The shells fell principally around Batteries 10 and 11,
which were Lieutenant McDowell's battery of one 32-pounder and Lieutenant
Kearney's Parrott gun. The longest range mortars threw some shells up to
Lieutenant Rodriguez's battery (9) of one 8-inch howitzer, and a few fell
as high up as Captain Coffin's battery (8) of two rifled 24-pounders.
During the two hours' practice of the mortar boats no damage was done
to us.
At eleven o'clock that night the mortar fleet commenced the bombardment,
which it kept up until the 18th of June.
AN ATTACK ON THE FLEET.
On the 9th, Colonel de Gournay sent to Troth's landing one 24-pounder,
one ;20-pounder Parrott, one 12-pounder and one 6-pounder rifle pieces
to fire on the gun-boats, Thirty rounds of ammunition were allowed for
the larger guns and fifty for the smaller--Captain L. J. Girard having
command of one section. All but the two outer mortar boats were concealed
by a neck of woods, but the Essex was lying close up, and the Richmond
and a gun-boat were at a short distance. At four o'clock in the morning,
by the dim light of a half moon, the fight commenced. At the end of two
hours and a half we had fired away all our ammunition, and ceased fire;
the enemy followed suit.
Our loss was one killed and no one wounded. None of our guns were injured.
Our weight of metal was not heavy enough to attack such vessels as
the Richmond and Essex, and we could not get a position where we could
reach the mortar boats with any effect.
On the same night occurred the first loss of life from the bombshells.
A soldier, standing on the parapet of Battery No. 9, was struck about the
neck by a descending shell, carrying him head foremost through the wooden
floor of the battery into the ground beneath, leaving only his feet sticking
out. On the afternoon of the 17th of May, a bomb-shell entered near the
crest of a parapet, at the lower part of the fortification, burying itself
in the ground underneath a spot where four men of Colonel de Gournay's
command were sitting. The shell exploding, threw them into the air, killing
three and wounding the fourth. Two other soldiers lost legs by being struck
with pieces of bursting shells, and this is the entire chapter of casualties
caused by forty-three days' bombardment
THE FIGHT AT PLAINS'S STORE.
On the 20th of May, the approach of General Augur's division was announced
by some slight brushes with our cavalry pickets, and the same night General
Banks commenced crossing the river with his army at Bayou Sara. On the
21st Colonel Powers, with a body of our cavalry, a few companies of infantry
and Abbey's Mississippi battery of light artillery, were skirmishing pretty
heavily all the morning near Plains's store with Augur's advance--General
Dudley's brigade. To relieve Colonel Powers's cavalry, and enable them
to get safely away and join Logan, General Gardner sent an order at noon
to Colonel W. R. Miles to take four hundred men with a light battery and
reconnoitre the enemy. The infantry marched out, supported by Boone's Louisiana
battery. Colonel Miles threw out two companies on the right, under Major
James T. Coleman, and three companies on the left, under Lieutenant-Colonel
F. B. Brand. Major Coleman, with his two companies, commanded respectively
by Captains Dejean and J. B. Turner, made a considerable detour through
the wood, almost unobserved by the enemy.
There were two pieces of light artillery playing upon us from an open
field. Coming out from an apple orchard upon the flank of this section,
Major Coleman took the guns, although it was to be done in the face of
the whole Federal line, but was immediately driven back by heavier forces,
after suffering heavy loss.
For about an hour the fight raged with much spirit. Finding that he
was outflanked on both sides and likely to be surrounded, Colonel Miles
sent Lieutenant Harmanson with a section to outflank the enemy's left.
This order was so well obeyed as to break the movement which was about
to encircle our small force, and after having picked up and sent from the
field all of the wounded he had ambulances for, Colonel Miles fell back
in good order, meeting on his return General Beall, who had gone out to
his support in case he should be hard pressed. Without further exchange
of shots our troops all retired within their intrenchments.
On that day Colonel Miles reported a loss of eighty-nine in killed,
wounded, and missing. Captain J. B. Turner and Lieutenant Crawford, of
St. Tammany, and Lieutenant J. B. Wilson, of New Orleans, were killed.
Lieutenant Pearson and four men of Abbay's battery were killed. The gallantry
of Major Coleman received deserved praise, as did also the skill and tried
courage of Colonel Miles, and the fight was looked upon with extreme satisfaction
by all the troops in garrison.
GENERAL GROVER'S APPROACH.
On the next day Colonel Wingfield's cavalry commenced skirmishing with
the advance of Banks's army, which had been rapidly crossing the river,
and were moving down upon us from Bayou Sara, only thirteen miles distant.
It had generally been supposed that no attack in force would ever be attempted
through the swamp above Port Hudson, nor through the heavy timber back
of the town, through which ran Sandy Creek. Fortifications had not been
erected there, nor were they considered necessary. But it having become
apparent that the enemy preferred to overcome the natural obstacles of
the woods rather than the artificial ones in the shape of fortifications,
General Gardner had sent a good part of his forces to meet him, giving
the command, from the left of our breastworks to the river above, to Colonel
J. G. W. Steedman, of the First Alabama regiment, an officer who proved
himself fully equal to the responsibility. The troops under his command
were the Fifteenth Arkansas, Colonel B. W. Johnson; the Tenth Arkansas,
Lieutenant-Colonel Vaughn; First Alabama, Lieutenant-Colonel M. B. Locke
and Major S. L. Knox; Eighteenth Arkansas, Lieutenant-Colonel J. C. Parish;
Thirty-ninth Mississippi, Colonel W. B. Shelby, and one company of Wingfield's
cavalry, dismounted, under command of Lieutenant O. N. Daliet. The left
wing had also Herrod's battery, and a section apiece from Bradford's and
the Watson battery.
Colonel Steedman, to make his position secure, had rifle-pits hastily
thrown up on the ridges and spurs of high ground, but the valleys and gorges
had no such protection. They were principally choked, however, with fallen
timber.
OFFICIAL REPORT OF COLONEL J. G.W. STEEDMAN, FIRST REGIMENT ALABAMA
VOLUNTEERS.
Captain T. FRIEND WILSON, A. A. G.:
SIR,--On Friday, the twenty-second of May, I was ordered with my regiment
(First regiment Alabama volunteers), to take position a half mile in advance
of the main works of Port Hudson, on the road leading by the commissary
depot, grist mill, &c., in the direction of Aberger's field. At this
point, Wingfield's battalion of cavalry and one section of the Watson battery
was ordered to report to me. The same day I received an order from the
Major-General commanding, placing me in command of the left wing of the
defences of Port Hudson, including the advanced work in command of Colonel
Johnson (Fifteenth Arkansas), on the right, and extending to the river
on the extreme left.
My orders were to observe the enemy and to oppose his advance upon
our works, but without risking a serious engagement. Through the energy
of Lieutenant-Colonel Wingfield, commanding cavalry, I soon learned that
the enemy had completed the investment of Port Hudson, and was reconnoitering
every possible approach to our defences. I at once threw forward a line
of skirmishers, consisting of four companies of the First Alabama, under
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Locke. For two days there were frequent skirmishes
with the enemy's advance guard along my whole front.
On Sunday afternoon, the 24th May, I was ordered by the Major-General
commanding to determine the enemy's strength, if possible, and drive him
from my front.
After receiving reinforcements, consisting of a battalion each from
the First Mississippi and Fifteenth Arkansas regiments, commanded respectively
by Major Johnson and Lieutenant Colonel Lee; also the battalion of the
Provost guard, commanded by Captain J. R. Wilson, this force was pushed
forward until dark, but only encountered a few of the enemy's pickets or
skirmishers. At the first fire these parties fell back upon the main body,
and I did not think it prudent to advance further that night, but after
placing pickets upon this advanced line withdrew my command to its original
position. This line of pickets was not disturbed until about Monday noon,
when the enemy advanced in heavy force from the direction of Aberger's
fields. I advanced my whole line about five hundred yards to a favorable
position and formed line of battle; the section of the Watson battery,
Lieutenant Toledano, commanding the road, the infantry ambuscaded to the
right and left under cover of the crest of a hill and logs and brush thrown
up temporarily for the purpose. In front of this line of battle was an
open space of about ten acres, but thickly studded with heavy timber, the
undergrowth having been cut down for camping purposes. My force at this
time numbered about six hundred. Two companies from each flank having been
thrown forward as skirmishers, soon encountered the enemy; heavy skirmishing
at once began; the enemy pushed forward boldly, our line slowly retreating
until they reached the open space fronting my line of battle, when, in
obedience to previous orders, they flanked right and left and took position
in line of battle. Lieutenant-Colonel Locke (First Alabama), commanding
right wing, and Major Johnson, First Mississippi, commanding left wing,
were ordered to keep their men under cover and concealed until orders to
fire were received from me. The enemy yelling and shouting rushed forward
into the open space selected for the battle-ground. This advance, consisting
of a heavy line of skirmishers, soon discovered our artillery, and at once
took cover behind the numerous trees and began sharpshooting the artillery
horses and cannoneers. Hoping the main body of the enemy would advance
I reserved our fire, but soon found that the artillery was suffering too
severely. I ordered the >line to fire---at the first volley the enemy retreated
through the woods in great confusion.
My line of skirmishers was immediately thrown forward, but did not
come in contact with the enemy for a half mile. In about two hours the
enemy again advanced in heavy force, drove in our skirmishers, came in
range of the main line, and engaged it heavily, while two heavy bodies
of infantry attempted to flank us on both flanks. All the troops on the
flanks, not absolutely needed to repel the attack in front, were deployed
to the right or left to defeat this move of the enemy. The battle now raged
on the whole line. I received urgent and repeated calls from both flanks
for help. I ordered Colonel Johnson, who was commanding the reserve, to
send two companies to the right, and two companies to the left, which order
was promptly obeyed. The enemy continued to mass his forces at those points,
and to press us hard at the same time in the centre. At this time I received
reinforcements of two hundred men (five companies) of the Thirty-ninth
Mississippi regiment, under command of Captain Collum. One hundred of this
battalion I ordered to support the extreme right, the other hundred to
the extreme left. Thus reinforced the right repelled every attack; but
in consequence of my inability, from want of troops, to extend our line
to Sandy Creek, the enemy marched a body of troops around the extreme left
and seriously threatened our rear.
At the same time that I received this report from my left, Lieutenant
Toledano, commanding section of artillery, informed me that one of his
guns was spiked from a detective friction primer, and that the ammunition
for both guns was exhausted. I ordered the artillery to the rear to receive
supplies of ammunition and to take position on my original line of battle,
a half mile in advance of the mill. I gave with great reluctance the order
for the infantry to retire. They were troops (excepting my own regiment)which
I had never seen under fire, and the battalions were not under command
of their habitual commanders, but junior commanders--in several instances
captains. I feared the enemy would press us at the moment of retreat, and
convert it into a rout, but I was agreeably surprised. The whole line fell
back in perfect order, and was reformed promptly on our original line.
The artillery, replenished with ammunition, took position in the centre
commanding the road. The enemy showing no disposition to advance upon our
new line, our skirmishers were sent forward and met the enemy in force,
and the skirmish was renewed. Night being near at hand I determined to
hold the position until dark. To do this I was compelled to advance nearly
my whole line. The fight became very severe, both parties being under cover
of the heavy timber, brush, ravines, &c.
Darkness terminated the contest. After establishing a line of pickets
I withdrew the main body to the rear and within the line of fortifications.
The enemy's demonstrations on this day convinced me beyond a doubt
that he had determined to attack our lines in the vicinity of our commissary
depot, arsenal, &c.
Up to Monday night, the 25th of May, no works of any description had
been thrown up to defend this position, extending from Colonel Johnson's
advanced work, on the right of my command, to a point within five hundred
yards of the river on the left, including a space of three-fourths of a
mile. There was not a rifle-pit dug nor a gun mounted on Monday night.
I reported my convictions to the Major-General commanding. The evidence
was satisfactory to him, and he ordered all the available tools, negroes,
&c, to be placed at the disposal of the chief engineer. The work was
promptly laid out by Lieutenant Dabney, and ere the dawn of day of Tuesday,
considerable progress had been made. A battery of four pieces had been
mounted during the night on the hill in the immediate vicinity of the commissary
depot, which, since that, has been called Commissary Hill. The emergency
being great, this work was pressed with energy all day Tuesday and Tuesday
night, so that, by Wednesday morning, an imperfect line of rifle-pits had
been thrown up to protect the most exposed points on the left wing.
Two pieces of siege artillery were removed during Tuesday night from
the heavy batteries on the river and mounted on this line--one rifled 24
pounder, under command of Lieutenant Sandford, Company A, First regiment
Alabama volunteers, on the Commissary Hill, and another rifled 24-pounder,
under Lieutenant Harman, Company A First regiment Alabama volunteers, at
Bennett's house. For three or four days previous to this time (Wednesday,
May 27th), the enemy had been making active demonstrations against Colonel
Johnson's position. Sharpshooters had become so annoying as to seriously
interfere with the construction of the heavy earthworks necessary for the
defence of this most exposed position. On the extreme left, commanded by
Colonel Shelby, the enemy had not been idle while making his approaches
in the direction of the mill.
On Monday, the 25th of May, he advanced in heavy force through the
plantations of Captain Chambers, Mr. Flowers, and Mrs. Houston, halting
at Sandy creek, where they began the construction of a pontoon bridge.
By Tuesday night, the 26th, it was completed, and everything ready for
an advance in that direction. We had, at that time, learned that the enemy's
extreme right was composed of negro troops.
The total casualties on the left wing, up to this time, amounted to
about forty killed, wounded and missing.
The left slept on their arms on Tuesday night, the 26th of May. During
Tuesday the enemy made no advance, but our advanced pickets could hear
them cutting timber, moving artillery, &c., during the day and night.
My orders being to act on the defensive, the enemy's operations were not
molested, but matters remained quiet all day.
Anticipating an attack on Wednesday morning, I reinforced the line
of skirmishers holding the advanced line, by sending a battalion of four
companies from the First Alabama regiment, under command of Captain D.
W. Ramsay, Company B, to report to Lieutenant-Colonel M. B. Locke, First
regiment Alabama volunteers, whom I had placed in command of all the troops
of the left wing in advance of the line of fortifications. I was, at the
same time, ordered by the Major-General commanding to relieve the battalion
of Miles's Legion, commanded by Major Coleman, and to direct him to report
at once to Colonel Miles. This left Lieutenant-Colonel Locke's command
in the same condition and strength as before. His line of battle was about
a half a mile in advance of the Commissary Hill and the main line of works,
and consisted of the following troops from right to left: A battalion of
the Fifteenth Arkansas regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Lee commanding; Tenth
regiment Arkansas volunteers, Colonel Witt; a battalion of the First regiment
Alabama volunteers, Captain D. W. Ramsay, commanding; a battalion of the
First Mississippi regiment, Major Johnson commanding--making a total of
about five hundred men, with no artillery.
At about half past five o'clock in the morning of the 27th May, a heavy
artillery fire was opened by the enemy upon the centre and right wing of
the defences of Port Hudson. This firing continued for an hour with great
severity. During all the firing there was a perfect calm on the left wing.
The silence was ominous. At half-past seven or eight o'clock, and without
any warning, a heavy body of the enemy, in column of regiments, advanced
boldly upon Colonel Locke's line. In a few moments the fight became very
severe, and raged with great fury. It resulted in considerable loss to
ourselves, and a frightful loss to the enemy in consequence of the dense
column exposed to our fire, while our men were under cover of logs, trees,
ravines, &c. When the enemy deployed his overwhelming force, Lieutenant-Colonel
Locke, in obedience to his previous instructions, withdrew his command
as promptly as possible to the main works. Having taking position in the
battery of four guns on the Commissary Hill, as soon as I discovered with
my glass that our own troops had left the top of the hill and the enemy
was occupying it, I ordered this battery to open fire on them. Colonel
Johnson opened about the same time with two guns from his works. Thus began
the general engagement and assault upon the left wing.
The troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Locke had scarcely reached their
position in the trenches when the enemy's column appeared upon the hill
they had just left, pushing boldly forward in columns of regiments. The
four guns upon the Commissary Hill, and the two in Colonel Johnson's camp,
soon obtained their ranges. After bursting many shells amongst them, they
succeeded in breaking their ranks and creating great confusion in the head
of the column, but the artillery fire did not stop the advance. Their lines,
though in confusion, were pushed boldly forward under cover of the fallen
timber and ravines, and until within good range of our infantry in the
rifle-pits. The battle now was general on my line and terrific, and was
continued for two hours with great fury.
The enemy's sharpshooters crept up near our batteries and killed and
wounded many of our cannoneers, the fallen timber giving complete protection.
After the enemy found us prepared in front, he flanked a portion of his
troops to the right and came up fronting our lines, which ran through the
field known as "Bull Pen." Fearing a movement of this kind, I had called
upon the Major General for a regiment to reinforce that point. Colonel
O. P. Lyle, of the Twenty-third Arkansas, with his command was sent, and
reached his position in time to arrest the enemy's further progress in
this direction.
Colonel Johnson's position on my extreme right (known since as Fort
Desperate) was vigorously attacked simultaneously with the assault upon
the other portion of my line; his whole force was less than three hundred
(300) men. He was assailed by an overwhelming force, but through the determined
resistance and admirable marksmanship displayed by his men, he succeeded
in driving the masses back, and compelling them to seek shelter among the
fallen timber and ravines surrounding two sides of this work; there they
kept up an incessant sharpshooting, as on every other portion of my line
where the nature of the ground would permit.
At about 7 o'clock A.M., and simultaneously with the general attack
upon the right of the left wing, Colonel Shelby, commanding extreme left
of left wing, also sustained a heavy attack. There occurred one of the
most important engagements, not only of the siege of Port Hudson but of
this war.
It was a battle between white and negro troops, and, so far as I am
aware, the first engagement of this war, of any magnitude, between the
white man and negro. In order that the facts may be distinctly recorded,
I quote the language used by Colonel W. B. Shelby, Thirty-ninth Mississippi
regiment, in his official report of the engagement:
"Company B, of my regiment, under command of Lieutenant S. D. Rhodes,
with fifteen men from Wingfield's battalion--total, sixty men and officers--was
ordered to occupy and hold at all hazards a ridge extending from the residence
of Mrs. Miller and running parallel with the road above mentioned to within
two hundred yards of the bridge over Sandy creek.
"This ridge was a strong position and easily held. It was about four
hundred yards in length, and on the side next the road it was abrupt and
inaccessible. It was deemed of the first importance to hold this position,
for the reason above mentioned, and for the further reason that it commanded
the line of rifle-pits occupied by my forces, and from which the enemy
could easily enfilade nearly my whole line; and, as it ran parallel with
the road along which the enemy was compelled to advance to attack the works,
it enabled a small force deployed as skirmishers along the length of the
ridge to give the enemy advancing along the road a front, rear and enfilading
fire. Early on the morning of the 27th of May I was advised by Lieutenant
Rhodes, commanding on the ridge above mentioned, that the enemy was crossing
Sandy creek, over the bridge, in large force--cavalry, infantry and artillery.
Believing, from all the indications, that it was the purpose of the enemy
to concentrate his forces, and to attack only the extreme left of my position,
I immediately repaired to that point and assumed command in person. Immediately
after reaching there, I discovered the artillery of the enemy crossing
the bridge. I ordered Lieutenant Sorrel, commanding the gun at the sally-port,
to load with solid shot and open at once upon the enemy's artillery. He
opened upon them just as they were unlimbering, and so rapid and effective
was his fire that the enemy's artillery, after firing one gun, limbered
up and retreated across the creek. I immediately sent my Sergeant-Major,
F. Watkins, to the batteries of Captains Whitfield and Seawell, commanding
30-pound Parrott and 8 and 10-inch Columbiad, with request to open on the
enemy, which was promptly done. The infantry, after crossing the bridge,
filed to the right, and, under cover of the willows, formed in line of
battle and commenced advancing. Lieutenant Rhodes, commanding on the ridge
already spoken of, having deployed his men at intervals, so as to occupy
the whole ridge, commenced firing on the enemy, both front and rear, doing
terrible execution and throwing them into confusion and disorder. They
still continued to advance until they reached to within about two hundred
yards of the extreme left, when the artillery opened on them with cannister,
and at the same time the infantry (in their anxiety to fire--firing without
orders) opened on them, driving them back in confusion and disorder, with
terrible slaughter. Several efforts were made to rally them, but all were
unsuccessful, and no effort was afterward made to charge the works during
the entire day. Before falling back in confusion and disorder, as above
stated, the enemy fired only one volley, and not one single man was killed
or wounded of my command.
"After the engagement was over I ascertained that the enemy's forces
consisted of the First and Second Louisiana Native Guards (negroes), and
two regiments of white troops, These troops were repulsed by six companies
of my regiment and the artillery already mentioned, without the loss or
wounding of a single man."
The following extracts of this assault are from Victor's History Southern
Rebellion, page 85, Vol. IV, Banks's reports of negro troops.
On the extreme right of our line, I posted the First and Second regiments
of negro troops. The First regiment of Louisiana infantry, composed exclusively
of colored men, excepting the officers, was engaged in the operations of
the day.
Banks's report of casualties: On 27th May was killed 293; wounded,
1,549; missing, 300. The losses between 23d and 27th May was fully
2,500.
Page 84, Vol. IV, says: The investment was not made complete until
the 26th of May, when General Weitzel arrived, when the line, as formed,
was, first, Weitzel on the north, resting on the river and crossing Sandy
creek; then Grover; then Augur; while General Thomas W. Sherman's command
constituted the extreme Federal left reaching the river.
The troops or commands engaged on May 27 were Weitzel's brigade (division?),
Grover's division. Emory's under Colonel Payne, and the divisions under
Major-General Augur and Brigadier-General Sherman.
The battle on the left wing on the morning of the 27th was an assault
or series of assaults for the first two hours; at the end of that time
the enemy had been signally repulsed at every point, and he had withdrawn
a short distance and concealed his men under cover of the trees, logs,
ravines, &c., and from this hour, about 11 o'clock, until five o'clock,
the firing relaxed and could only be called sharp-shooting.
The enemy used three or more batteries of artillery against the left
wing during this battle; one against the extreme left, supported by the
negroes; one on the hill, opposite the old commissary depot, mill, &c.,
and one or more against Colonel Johnson's work (Fort Desperate). The latter
were (subsequently) exceedingly destructive, disabling or dismounting most
of our artillery by night, and annoying, killing, and wounding numbers
of our men. But the enemy's artillery did not escape injury, two of their
guns being dismounted in quick succession by a rifled 24-pounder, manned
by a detachment from Company A, First Alabama regiment.
The heat of the sun on this day was intense. The fight continued until
about 5 (2 ?) o'clock, when suddenly firing ceased everywhere, and word
passed up and down the lines that a white flag was up. Upon inquiry I found
that it had been presented by the major of some New York regiment, and
in the immediate front of the First regiment of Alabama volunteers, and
was received by Major S. L. Knox, First regiment Alabama volunteers.
The officer presenting the white flag made a verbal statement that
General Banks desired a cessation of hostilities for the purpose of burying
his dead.
Major Knox detained the officer until he communicated the verbal statement
to the Major-General commanding. He at once rejected it as informal, and
an unwarranted use of the white flag, and ordered that hostilities be resumed
in half an hour. The enemy was informed of this reply, and both parties
retired to their lines and cover. But hundreds of the enemy, who had advanced
very near to our lines during the day, and were concealed among logs, ravines,
&c., availed themselves of this short truce, and retired to positions
of safety. I have since understood the same thing was done also in front
of our centre and right wing, and I have now no doubt but that the flag
was presented for the unlawful and cowardly purpose of withdrawing the
troops from the dangerous position in which they found themselves. Had
not this thing been done many must have been killed, as there was no possibility
of escape until night came on.
About 2 o'clock P.M. the enemy were discovered to be forming in line
of battle in the woods to the right and left, and in rear of Slaughter's
field in front of General Beall's right, and about the same time that a
similar movement was going on in front of his centre in the vicinity of
the Plains's store road. The former position of his line had been much
weakened to support Steedman on the left. Colonel Miles was immediately
called upon for assistance from the right, which was promptly responded
to, his Legion reaching there just in time to meet the assault. The enemy
came up in gallant style, their right wing resting on Slaughter's road,
and thence stretching across the field with four regimental colors flying,
and a pioneer corps in advance, bearing plank to cross our ditches with.
A heavy fire of artillery was opened upon them from every position of our
line which commanded the ground, causing considerable confusion, but failing
to arrest them. When about two hundred yards of our lines we opened upon
them a deadly fire of musketry and double charges of canister, which caused
them to waver, and soon they broke in every direction. Again and again
were they rallied, but were each time repulsed with heavy loss.
While the battle was raging on this part of the line, a New York regiment
of zouaves came dashing out of the swamp on the extreme right of the field,
making, with their red breeches and caps, a magnificent spectacle. To meet
this new danger our troops were thrown rapidly to the right and opened
a hot fire upon the advancing zouaves, who, nevertheless, came dashing
on, deploying from column into line, with the precision of veterans, as
they neared our works, we mowing them down by scores, when they were ordered
by their colonel to lie down, who, himself walked back and forward with
as much apparent coolness, as if he were giving orders on parade. In a
moment more he fell, and his men broke and fled for the woods, leaving
a great many killed and wounded behind them. The color bearer is said to
have planted his flag fifty yards in advance of his regiment, and was forced
to leave it there temporarily, but afterwards regained it under a hot fire.
The enemy must have lost on this portion of the line, in killed and wounded,
from one thousand to fifteen hundred, while ours corresponding did not
exceed twenty five or thirty.
Simultaneous with the assault upon his right was another upon Beall's
centre along the Plains's store road, until the head of the column had
emerged from the woods, when they were deployed into line to the right
and left, through the abattis formed in front of our works. Their right
extended to the Jackson road and left almost to the deep ravines, flanking
Slaughter's field, their centre being on the Clinton road. With a whoop
and a yell, they came charging across the felled timber, stumps, logs,
briers and vines in front of our works, until close range, where the storm
of bullets, cannister and grape with which they met proving irresistible,
they were driven back, leaving large numbers of killed and wounded on the
field. At four different portions of our lines had the enemy thus attempted
to carry our works, and signally failed at each. Except upon Steedman's
right, our loss among the infantry amounted to almost nothing. In proportion
to their numbers, our artillery suffered much more severely, particularly
the officers, scarcely one of whom escaped unhurt. Many of our guns had
been dismounted, and in some instances total wrecks were made of them.
Nearly all the pieces stationed upon the Commissary Hill, to guard the
approaches to the mill between the left wing and centre, were dismounted
or otherwise disabled. Against this point the enemy had established two
batteries of 20 and 30-pounder Parrott guns, and their concentrated fire,
together with the sharpshooters, who had gradually worked themselves forward
through the felled timber, told fearfully upon our light guns. Here Captains
Bradford and Sparkman, commanding light batteries, were both wounded, the
latter mortally.
At ten o'clock next morning, a flag of truce came in from General Banks,
asking for an armistice till 2 P.M. to bury his dead. This was acceded
to by General Gardner, and the time was subsequently extended to 7 P.M.
On Thursday morning, the 28th of May, a formal flag having been presented
by General Banks and accepted by General Gardner, a cessation of hostilities
was agreed upon until 7 o'clock, beginning at 12 M.
During this time the Infirmary Corps of each army was permitted to
remove their dead or wounded from the field.
Two-thirds of the loss sustained during the siege of Port Hudson by
the left wing occurred on this day. The casualties were almost entirely
confined to the Tenth Arkansas, Colonel Witt--eighty (80) killed, wounded,
and missing; Fifteenth Arkansas, Colonel Ben. Johnson--seventy (70); First
Alabama, Lieutenant Colonel Locke--seventy-five (75). Total, two hundred
and twenty-five (225). The total number of men in these regiments on this
day make a loss of one man out of every four.
The loss in the negro regiments above exceeded our whole loss (Steedman).
Two small, breech-loading (Whitfield) guns, under charge of detachment
of Wingfield's battalion.
At various times since the beginning of the siege other regiments had
been stationed on this line but for a day or two at a time.
"A battalion of Miles's Legion, under command of Major Coleman, relieved
the First Alabama for a few days, and rendered good service by adding very
greatly to the works. They worked almost incessantly while they occupied
this line." (Steedman).
OUR LINE PENETRATED.
On the 10th of June a furious bombardment all day and night indicated
to us an approaching attack, and at three o'clock on the morning of the
11th, a show of an assault was made near the centre of our line of fortifications,
while, at the same time, the real attack was made on our left in the woods.
During the fighting two regiments of the enemy, favored by the extreme
darkness, crept up through a gorge among the abattis, penetrating within
our lines of defence. Had they known the ground and been strongly reinforced,
this movement might have proved disastrous to us. As it was, they captured
a courier going to Colonel Steedman from one of his regimental commanders,
calling for reinforcements.
On the night of June 11th, the enemy threw up a battery, pierced for
eleven guns, in the centre of Slaughter's field, and within four hundred
yards of our works, connected by a line of breastworks with the woods,
both on the right and left. They succeeded in placing their pieces in position
during the next night.
Along our whole line, at eleven o'clock A.M., the mortar boats having
been moved up nearer to us, they joined the land batteries in a terrific
bombardment of two hours' duration, during which a line of battle was formed
in Slaughter's field and moved forward, as if to charge, but fell back
to the woods as soon as we opened upon it with artillery. At one o'clock
P.M., General Banks sent in a demand for the surrender of the post and
its garrison, as follows:
HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES FORCES,
Before Port Hudson, June 13th, 1863.
SIR,--Respect for the usages of war, and a desire to avoid unnecessary
sacrifice of life, impose on me the necessity of formally demanding the
surrender of the garrison 'of Port Hudson.
I am not unconscious, in making this demand, that the garrison is capable
of continuing a vigorous and gallant defence. The events that have transpired
during the pending investment exhibit in the commander and the garrison
a spirit of constancy and courage that, in a different cause, would be
universally regarded as heroism, but I know the extremities to which they
are reduced. I have many prisoners of war and deserters. I have captured
the couriers of the garrison, and have in my possession the secret dispatches
of its commander. I have at my command a train of artillery seldom equalled
in extent and efficiency, which no ordinary fortress can successfully resist,
and an infantry force of greatly superior numbers and most determined purpose,
that cannot fail to place Port Hudson in my possession at my will. To push
the contest to extremities, however, may place the protection of life beyond
the control of the commanders of the respective forces. I desire to avoid
unnecessary slaughter, and I, therefore, demand the immediate surrender
of the garrison, subject to such conditions only as are imposed by the
usages of civilized warfare. I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] N.P. BANKS, Major-General Commanding.
Major-General FRANK GARDNER,
Confederate States Army, commanding at Port Hudson.
[Reply.]
HEADQUARTERS PORT HUDSON, June 13, 1863.
SIR,--Your note of this date has just been handed to me, and in reply
have to state that my duty requires me to defend this position, and, therefore,
I decline to surrender.
I have the honor to be, sir,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
[Signed] FRANK GARDNER,
Major-General commanding Confederate States Forces.
Major-General N. P. BANKS,
commanding United States Forces, near Port Hudson.
From eleven o'clock that night until half-past two on the morning of
the 14th, the mortar boats rained a perfect torrent of shells upon us,
and as soon as they ceased fire the !and batteries took up the work and
poured forth their volleys of destructive missiles, rending the very air
with their deafening roar.
Just before daylight they were observed to be massing their forces
in front of the left of our centre, and shortly afterwards a vigorous assault
was made, under a heavy fire from their artillery, upon that portion of
our lines. The attack was simultaneous upon the First Mississippi and Forty-ninth
Alabama regiments, and the isolated position held by the Fifteenth Arkansas.
Against the latter but one charge was made, and in it the enemy were completely
routed and could not be rallied Four desperate efforts were made against
the former, but with no better success. The ground immediately in front
being very much broken, afforded facilities for the enemy to form their
troops in line of battle protected from our fire, which they accordingly
did.
Their advanced line was composed of three picked regiments--the Fourth
Wisconsin, Eighth New Hampshire and a New York regiment, preceded by two
hundred and fifty select men, deployed as skirmishers, and carrying "hand
grenades" to throw over our breastworks. These all fought gallantly, but
the main body in the rear evidently could not be induced to come up to
their support. The enemy at first pressed heavily upon the right, where
the Forty-ninth Alabama was stationed, and it became necessary to close
our men down in that direction, leaving a portion of the lines almost entirely
unprotected, which movement came near proving highly disastrous to us--the
smoke was so thick that nothing could be seen more than twenty steps in
advance, and before our troops were aware of it the enemy were pouring
into the ditches and scaling our breastworks on the left. A rapid counter-movement,
however, frustrated their designs, and they were driven back with considerable
slaughter.
Again and again they rallied, but were each time repulsed, and forced
to seek shelter in the ravines behind them, and there reform their shattered
ranks. In several instances their skirmishers succeeded in gaining our
ditches and hurling their grenades over the parapets, many of which failed
to explode, and were thrown back at them by our boys. The engagement lasted
from 4 o'clock until 8 o'clock, when the enemy being driven back for the
last time, most of them sought shelter in the woods behind them, leaving
a large number of dead and wounded on the field. The ground in front of
our works was blue with their uniforms, and the weeds and bushes still
further forward were strewn with them. At one point in our ditches fourteen
dead bodies were counted in a single group. Two attempts were made at different
points in that quarter to storm our works, both of which completely failed.
Across the road leading to Troth's Landing, and in front of our extreme
right, the enemy formed in line of battle in the open field extending from
the woods on our extreme right to the "gin house" on the left and came
charging on with four regimental colors streaming in the wind. When their
line reached the deep and tangled ravine, some three hundred yards in our
front, they obliqued to their left so as to rush down the road in column
to the creek below. No sooner had they reached this point than a heavy
fire of artillery was opened upon them from our advanced work and the batteries
to the left, which scattered them in every direction. Simultaneous with
this attack another line of battle was formed in front of the left of the
right wing, stretching across the lower part of Gibbons's field. Here they
made a feeble attempt to charge our works, but did not succeed in approaching
within three hundred yards before they, too, were driven back by the fire
of our artillery.
After this, our ammunition being scarce, the men were not allowed to
fire at their inclination, but a few of the best shots in each command
were selected to fire at intervals, when good opportunity offered, to the
incessant fire we were receiving.
Under the direction of the Chief of Artillery, Colonel Marshall J.
Smith, the Columbiads were so arranged as to shell the enemy on the land
line over the heads of our own troops, and for several nights we dropped
our eight and ten-inch shells among them, until reliable fuses became exhausted.
Two weeks of this kind of work passed away without rest to our men, either
by night or by day, on account of the nightly shelling of the land and
water forces; and the continued exposure to the sun, rain, and night dews
brought on much sickness, materially reducing our effective strength. Our
stock of medicines proved to be even shorter than our stock of provisions,
and with a large and constantly increasing list of chills and fever eases
the quinine was exhausted. Ipecac was resorted to in its place, but that
also came to an end, and finally there was nothing to be had to check fever
except a decoction of indigenous barks, which did not effect any wonderful
cures so far as heard from.
Several batteries were built by the enemy right in the face of our
works, enfilading portions of our line. An 8-inch gun, which had such a
position, fired shells with a reduced charge of powder, so as to roll them
slowly, as a ball in a bowling alley, for some distance right in the rear
of our parapet.
About the 5th of June, the enemy planted a battery of rifled guns on
a commanding position opposite to the slaughter-pen, and kept up a most
annoying fire during the day, and frequently during the night. It was only
about four hundred yards from our battery at Bennett's House. The enemy's
fire was so destructive to our guns, the cannoneers so much exposed to
sharpshooters, and our ammunition so scarce, that our guns were rarely
fired except in cases of emergency or necessity. Pits were dug in rear
of the platforms, in which the guns were placed from under fire until required
for an emergency.
About the 10th of June the enemy planted four mortars in position near
their battery opposite Bennett's House. These mortars gave us great annoyance;
they were fired day and night, to the very great disturbance of our troops;
yet few were killed by these shells.
The enemy rapidly completed a line of rifle pits immediately confronting
our lines; being in the edge of the woods, gave them great advantage. Their
rifle-pits confronted ours at every point, at distances varying from one
hundred to four hundred yards. On the extreme left the nature of the country
did not admit of an advance except by one route; this was guarded by the
advanced ridge spoken of in Colonel Shelby's report.
The enemy erected a series of rifle-pits, with the view of capturing
this hill; but, owing to the extreme vigilance and energy displayed by
the troops from Colonel Shelby's regiment, who defended it, no progress
was ever made.
On the night of the 12th, the troops were changed, so as to occupy
permanent positions for the remainder of the siege. The following was the
disposition of my command under this arrangement, from right to left:
Fifteenth Arkansas, Colonel Ben. Johnson; First Alabama, Lieutenant-Colonel
Locke; Eighteenth Arkansas, Lieutenant-Colonel Parish; Tenth Arkansas,
Lieutenant-Colonel Vaughan; Wingfield's (or the Company of Ninth Louisiana
battalion cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Daliet); Thirty-ninth Mississippi
regiment, Colonel W. B. Shelby.
The artillery consisted of ten pieces--scattered as circumstances demanded--two
Blakely 12-pounder rifles, Lieutenant Cook (First Lieutenant artillery);
six pieces Herrod's battery and two pieces Watson's battery, Lieutenant
Toledano; two pieces in Colonel Johnson's position having been dismantled
on May 27.
A JUNE DAY AT PORT HUDSON.
* * A sheltered road had been cut around the base of the hill upon
which the angle we were to assault was built, and we should be able to
rush from shelter directly upon the works. The Seventy-fifth New York were
to advance as skirmishers; the Ninety-first New York were to close in rapidly
with hand-grenades and drive the Rebels back from the angle; the Twenty-fourth
Connecticut were next to rush forward and fill up the ditch with cotton
bags; and then the balance of Weitzel's old brigade. The Eighth Vermont,
the One-hundred-and-fifteenth and One-hundred-and-sixtieth New York, must
scale the works, attack with the bayonet, and fight vigorously, till the
whole division could be poured in the bridge. The column plunged into a
thick wood, traversed it, and emerged upon the other side in view of the
Rebel position.
Daylight was hardly with us yet. * * I consulted my watch. The hour
was just 5 o'clock.
The sunken road, referred to in a previous paragraph, was cut closely
around the hill, whose base we had reached, and wound in a semi-circle
up toward the summit. It must have been two hundred yards in length, and
was excavated to a depth of seven feet. There had been a brief halt at
the edge of the wood for some purpose, but the column now moved rapidly
forward, and as my regiment entered the shelter of the road, I heard the
clear voice of the General shouting the order: "Fix bayonets."
The road was quite narrow--a group of fours filled it from side to
side. Struggling to urge forward the men in front of us, we tried in vain
to press on.
Step by step, little by little, the column struggled upward. Two human
currents were setting past each other--one strong and vigorous, the other
feeble and halting--limping back to the rear in a ghastly procession, which
warned us of the reception with which we were to meet.
General Weitzel's aides were endeavoring to make their way on foot
through the dense mass, now up towards the front, and again back to the
rear. It must have been more than half an hour from the time that my regiment
entered the sunken road until it emerged from the other extremity under
fire. The sides of the cut began to slope toward the level of our feet;
two rods more and we were out of the covered way. There was an abrupt ascent,
then a small area of rough, uneven ground, then a ditch seven feet deep
and quite as wide, while beyond all rose a perpendicular earthwork, not
less than twelve feet above the ditch, built in the form of a retreating
angle. There was not sufficient ground to allow a regiment to deploy to
advantage; as fast as they were unmasked from the cut the companies rushed
with a shout up the ascent, across the intervening ground, and into the
ditch. From the parapet of the Rebel works came a continued flash of rifles,
not in volleys, but in an irregular burst, which never ceased while the
attack lasted.
The Rebels were entirely protected behind their defences--hardly a
head was to be seen above the parapet. The open space before the work was
strewn with soldiers in blue, dead, dying, and severely wounded; they lay
among the bushes on the hillside, and covered the bottom of that awful
ditch, yawning like a grave, at the foot of the work.
For a whole hour there was a continued repetition of this scene; a
yell, a rush, shouts, musket shots, cries and groans.
The ditch was at last filled with the living and the dead; the former
striving within six yards of the muzzles of the Rebel rifles to climb the
face of the earthwork, and continually dropping back with bullet holes
perforated clear through their bodies.
The hand-grenades, upon which much reliance had been placed, exploded
harmlessly against the face of the work. Wounded men were killed while
trying to crawl beyond the range of the fire, or lay helpless under it
unable to hazard the attempt.
The contracted space before the ditch was swept with rifle balls and
buckshot; every repetition of the assault was met by the same murderous
discharge, covering the ground thickly with its victims, and adding to
the horror of the scene
The close of the first hour, when the east was reddening with sunrise,
found the regiments scattered and broken up in hopeless confusion.
Charge after charge had been made and repulsed; the ditch was an obstacle
which could not be overcome, and most of those who reached it unhurt, were
shot down in the attempt to return.
Of my own regiment, one-third was placed hors de combat; three officers,
including the colonel, were mortally wounded, and four others severely
hurt, and other regiments suffered proportionately.
Our losses, in killed and wounded, were not less than twelve hundred;
those of the rebels were slight, owing to their protected situation, and
it is supposed that less than one hundred fell inside their works.
ANOTHER FLAG OF TRUCE.
On the 15th, an unusual quiet reigned, apparently from the exhaustion
consequent upon such severe exertion. In the evening, General Banks sent
in a flag of truce to ask General Gardner to receive medicines and delicacies
for the wounded Federal soldiers in our hands. General Gardner replied
that he would receive all such articles, and have them used as purposed.
He also took occasion to express surprise at the fact that no cessation
of hostilities had yet been asked for by the enemy for the purpose of removing
their dead and wounded, who had been lying on an open field--a number of
them--under a hot sun, for two days.
The medicines were sent in, but still no request was made of us for
a truce to remove the dead and wounded, although the enemy had been engaged
during the night in carrying off their wounded as well as they might under
our fire. A party of our men had gone out to succor a soldier whose appeals
for water were painful to their ears, but they were fired upon by the enemy's
skirmishers, and had to return without accomplishing their charitable object.
On the 16th, the effluvia from the decomposing bodies having become
very offensive at our line, Brigadier-General Beall sent a flag of truce
to the division commander in front of him, proposing to deliver his dead
to him for burial. This offer was accepted, and a truce declared on that
part of the lines. Our men collected and delivered one hundred and sixty-seven
corpses, besides which they found one poor fellow able to speak though
desperately wounded, who was parched with the dreadful pangs of thirst,
and whose face, neck and hands had been completely fly-blown.
On the evening of the 16th, a feeble attempt was made against the extreme
left. The siege had now, on the 16th of June continued forty days since
the commencement of the bombardment by the fleet, twenty-seven days of
constant fighting on every side, and twenty-four days since the investment
de facto had begun.
It was now left to engineering skill alone to try its schemes for reducing
the place. Three points of our line were selected by the enemy's engineers
as the weakest and most easily reduced by their regular approaches. These
were Fort Desperate, the position of which has been heretofore described;
an acute salient angle on the left of our line of fortifications, defended
by the First Mississippi regiment, and a projecting work extending far
out on the river bluff below the town, on the right of our fortifications,
called by us Battery No. 11, and by the enemy the "Citadel." A rifle-pit
was constructed by the enemy along the crest of the bluff opposite to Battery
No. 11, running down to the river bank, which was in advance of their marine
battery, the most formidable fortification opposed to us, and from which
we anticipated considerable annoyance. About the same time they commenced
their approaches, with zigzag ditches, in front of Fort Desperate and the
position held by the First Mississippi. Lieutenant Dabney and our engineers
immediately perceived these operations, and commenced to meet them with
counter operations, and oppose engineering against engineering. Colonel
Johnson had galleries dug under his breastworks, through which his men
could crawl into the outer ditch and sharpshoot from that, while he also
built an upper work on the top of his parapet to give a commanding position
to his marksmen, enabling them to shoot down into the enemy' ditches so
soon as they should approach near enough. Captain L. J. Girard, of the
ordnance, prepared some 13-inch shells to plant outside of these threatened
points, and he himself placed some of them in the night, buried a short
distance beneath the surface of the ground, having friction primers in
the vent holes with wires attached, leading within our fortifications,
so that they could be exploded under the feet of an advancing column.
On the 18th June the mortar boats brought their bombardment to a close.
After the 24th of May they had adopted a slow and regular system of throwing
shells, each boat firing in its turn, except on certain occasions of extra
exertion, but now they gave it up altogether.
An informal kind of truce was arranged between the men of both sides
on our extreme right on the 16th, which lasted about a week, during which
both sides stopped sharpshooting; in some cases soldiers would meet each
other half way between the hostile lines and make exchanges, in which the
Federals showed much liberality, making presents of tobacco, coffee, and
newspapers, at times getting small quantities of sugar and molasses in
return As soon as this came to the knowledge of our superior officers it
was stopped, although the informal armistice was not interfered with for
awhile on account of shortness of ammunition. During this time we strengthened
our work on the point (Battery 11) considerably, our men working during
the day in full view of the enemy, who were also busily engaged in constructing
their marine battery opposite. The men who were working would occasionally
exchange words with each other regarding their respective avocations as
amicably and jovially as if the siege was only a joke and the contending
parties were the best of friends.
At three o'clock on the morning of the 20th, Lieutenant Bankston, of
Miles's Legion, went out with fifty men, and, deploying them to the right
and left in front of our fortifications, drove in the enemy's skirmishers.
At the same hour on the morning of the 23d, two of the enemy's regiments
attempted to approach our right centre at the sally port of the Plains's
Store road, but were discovered and driven back.
The enemy were now bringing their approaches very close to us in front
of the First Mississippi position, and every preparation was made to meet
an expected onslaught there. In front of the salient angle of our line,
Lieutenant Dabney planted a large number of stakes, slightly inclining'
outward, the points of which were sharpened with a draw knife. Among these
wires were stretched at the height of a foot and a half from the ground,
so as to trip an advancing line of men, and torpedoes were also placed
at proper positions.
The enemy were digging their approaches under cover of cotton bales,
which they rolled over in front of them as they advanced. On the 25th of
June, Corporal Skelton, of the First Mississippi, volunteered to go out
and destroy this cotton.
The first time he made the attempt he reached the cotton, but could
not fire it with a burning brand which he carried. He, therefore, returned
within the lines, and getting a port fire from the artillery went forth
again, set the cotton bales in a blaze and returned unhurt. For this courage
and devotion he was complimented by General Gardner in an order of the
day.
About dusk next evening, Lieutenant McKennon, of the Sixteenth Arkansas,
with thirty men of his regiment, who volunteered to accompany him, went
out and captured, at the point of the bayonet, an earthwork on the Clinton
road, which was being made at some distance from our lines. They took an
officer and several men prisoners, and brought them safely within our works
with their guns and a number of sand bags, out of which they had emptied
the earth.
RUNNING THE GAUNTLET.
An event of great note among the besieged was the arrival, during the
night of the 26th, of Captain R. S. Pruyn, of the Fourth Louisiana regiment,
with dispatches from General Johnston to General Gardner, and full news
from the outer world for the garrison, the latter being immediately published
in newspaper form and circulated among our men. Captain Pruyn was one of
those who had been sent out with dispatches by General Gardner during the
siege, and the only one of them who returned.
He had floated down the river supported by a dozen canteens well corked
and tied together to form a life preserver, with his dispatches secured
in an India rubber army pillow. As he passed the Richmond, the current
carried him uncomfortably close to her, and he distinctly heard a voice,
probably that of the officer of the watch to one of the sailors, exclaim:
"Look out sharp for that object and see what it is."
In returning, Captain Pruyn took a somewhat similar route. After getting
into Pointe Coupée he made his way through the enemy's position
on the river opposite Port Hudson, crawling on his hands and knees nearly
a quarter of a mile through an open space, where he saw them all around
him, and then taking to the water he swam across and was picked up in front
of one of our batteries.
HOT WORK AT THE POINT.
The marine battery having been finished, the enemy started to dig a
ditch straight up to our bluff on the extreme right, by running it along
the river bank. This was discovered as early as the 22d, but the enemy
did not make much progress, although from our position we could not materially
interrupt them in the prosecution of their work. At four o'clock on the
afternoon of the 26th of June, a terrific fire was concentrated on this
point, which was kept up until dark, the fleet taking a prominent part.
The Richmond came up and poured in her broadsides two or three times,
but did not maintain her position. During the firing our flag was shot
down four times, the staff being shattered to pieces every time, and the
bunting torn to shreds. Each time it was raised by Lieutenant Schirmer,
of de Gournay's artillery, who was himself killed at the last attempt to
replace it.
AT BATTERY ELEVEN.
The enemy now paid their special attention to our lower point where
stood Battery 11, which could hardly be termed a "citadel," as it was an
ordinary breastwork and enclosure of earth. From the 25th to 30th the concentration
of fire on this place was fearful, though our loss was not as heavy as
could have been expected, because we kept there no more men than were actually
required to hold it, in the event of an assault, until reinforcements could
be thrown in. Our parapet there was breached every day, but our men would
repair the damage every night, although under constant fire of shells,
grape, and cannister
While superintending these repairs, Lieutenant James Freret, of the
engineer corps was badly wounded. The enemy worked their way steadily up
until they had effected a lodgment on the end of the same bluff with us,
and not more than thirty yards from our work. Their sharpshooters were
crowded around this battery, keeping up a constant fire even when they
could see no one to shoot at.
Holding this extreme point at Battery No. 11, under such tremendous
fire, was extremely exhausting to the men there. Captain J. Watts Kearney
had defended the post until the muzzle of his piece had been split and
a trunnion shot off. The companies of Miles's Legion, the three of Maxey's
brigade, under Captain C. W. Cushman, and a detached company under Lieutenant
Wilkins, had all done severe duty here and lost heavily in officers and
men. The detached company from Natchez, Mississippi, was left without an
officer, Lieutenants Wilkins and Chase being killed, and their only other
officer wounded. Captain Charles R. Purdy, of the Fourth Louisiana, also
lost his life here.
On the night of the 28th General Gardner sent Colonel O. R. Lyle to
hold the position with one hundred men of the Eighteenth and Twenty-third
Arkansas regiments, which they did for several days until they were again
relieved by Captain Cushman, who volunteered to perform the service with
his three companies. Colonel Lyle's men succeeded on the 29th in burning
the cotton bales which the enemy were using as sap-rollers to protect their
approach. On the same evening they attempted to storm our works here and
got up very close, throwing hand-grenades among us by scores, but they
were driven back to their ditch.
We had a small detachment of men from Colonel de Gournay's command
who were provided with 12-pounder and 24-pounder shells to use as hand-grenades.
The fuse had to be lighted while in the hand, and the shell then immediately
hurled over the parapet. A wooden gutter was put outside our work during
the night, to enable us to roll heavy shells down among the foe. The interchange
of these compliments was kept up with considerable spirit.
As it was expected that the enemy were undermining the point, no more
men were kept in the work there than were considered sufficient to hold
it, in case of an assault, until we could throw in reinforcements, which
were held in readiness close at hand during night and day. At six o'clock
on the evening of the 30th the enemy made a very determined effort to carry
our work by assault. While our men were eating their supper, with their
guns lying beside them, a storming column swarmed out of the enemy's ditch
only a short distance from our position, and made a dash upon us, gaining
our exterior ditch, from which they drove the few men who were surprised
there. A detachment of the Eighth Wisconsin, Fourth Wisconsin, and Fifth
Michigan undertook to scale the parapet, but the first six men who got
inside paid their lives as the entrance fee, and our men held their own
until our reinforcements, coming in at a full run, attacked the troops
in our ditch with such fury and impetuosity that they were immediately
driven out.
We kept a large force in the battery that night, but the attack not
being resumed, as we anticipated, the reserve was withdrawn before daylight.
The engineers having decided that the point would undoubtedly be blown
up by the enemy, the line of our fortifications was continued across to
the river behind Battery 11, so that when that was destroyed the enemy
would find as strong a work still confronting them.
The exterior lunette, commanding a projecting ridge to the left of
Battery 11, was also made the object of a concentrated fire, which razed
to the ground a rifle-pit in front of it. This position was held at the
time by Major Merchant, with a section of Boone's battery, and a detachment
from Colonel de Gournay's command acting as infantry, the latter being
afterwards relieved by Miles's Legion.
All this while the enemy were making slow but steady approach toward
Colonel Johnson's position and that of the First Mississippi; at the latter
place, expecting the point of the salient angle to be undermined and blown
up, Lieutenant Dabney built a rifle-pit across the base of the angle, so
as to present a new line of defence if the outer one was lost.
As a counter-mine, a gallery was run out at some depth under ground,
the prosecution of which was voluntarily assumed by Captain Girard.
After working his gallery about half-way to the enemy's ditch, he could
distinctly hear their workmen making slow progress with a gallery toward
us. On account of the close proximity of their shaft, Captain Girard was
obliged to work with great caution and silence, and the enemy kept quietly
on. Getting immediately underneath their ditch our gallery was extended
a short distance.
Shortly after midnight of the 3d of July, our train was fired, and
a tremendous explosion followed, apparently, however, without loss 'of
life.
At the same time the approaches to Fort Desperate were checked by the
fire of the Arkansas marksmen there, who, perched up in their sharpshooting
tower, could fire down into every part of the enemy's ditch.
EATING MULE-MEAT.
The last quarter ration of beef had been given out to the troops on
the 29th of June.
On the 1st of July, at the request of many officers, a wounded mule
was killed and cut up for experimental eating.
The flesh of mules is of a darker color than beef, of a finer grain,
quite tender and juicy, and has a flavor something between that of beef
and venison.
Some horses were slaughtered, and their flesh was found to be very
good eating, but not equal to mule. Rats, of which there were plenty about
the deserted camps, were also caught by many officers and men, and were
found to be quite a luxury.
Mule meat was regularly served out in rations to the troops from and
after the 4th of July.
The stock of corn was getting very low, and besides that nothing was
left but peas, sugar, molasses and salt.
That a large quantity of peas was left on hand was probably accounted
for by the fact that most of the troops would not have them on any consideration.
The sugar and molasses were put to good use by the troops in making
a weak description of beer, which was constantly kept at the lines by the
barrel full, and drank by the soldiers in preference to the miserable water
with which they were generally supplied.
On the 1st of July, some of the splendid Parrott guns of the Indiana
regiment were taken across the river and put in battery there. They now
maintained a constant fire upon our batteries every day, to which we occasionally
replied, and at times with effect. They dismounted altogether three of
our guns, splitting a rifled 32-pounder on the 5th of July; knocking off
the trunnion of an 8-inch howitzer on the morning of the 6th, and permanently
disabling a rifled 24-pounder on the evening of the same day. This artillery
practice was probably equal, if not superior, to anything which has ever
been accomplished of the kind, the distance being from one thousand to
fourteen hundred yards.
Our guns on the river side were now reduced to seven, and the lower
batteries were screened with brush, while the upper guns only engaged the
Parrotts. We had been obliged to mask most of our guns on the land side
for some time back, so many of them having been disabled. Every extra gun-carriage
in the place had been used up, and those in service were all patched and
repaired as much as they could be. There were a number of broken guns or
pieces of ordnance without carriages, which were fastened upon blocks and
put in masked positions where they could be used in cases of emergency.
Most of them were crammed with bags containing a motley assortment of old
bullets, nails, pieces of horseshoes, bits of iron chain, etc., which were
to be fired in the face of a storming party, it being of little consequence
whether the disabled guns were good for another discharge or not.
On the evening of the 3d of July, a long line of troops was discovered
bivouacking in line of battle opposite our left centre, and every one was
confident that before daylight we would be attacked on every side, but
the day wore on and everything was going on as usual, the sharpshooting
commencing as soon as the fog lifted.
AN APPROACHING STRUGGLE.
The approach of the enemy to Battery 11 was slow enough to cause us
to doubt, at last, our previous suppositions that they intended to blow
up the point. They had been engaged since the 3d on a work of which, at
first, we could not understand the nature, but as it gradually rose in
height it became evident to us that it was to be an elevated mound--was
to be used as a tower for their sharpshooters to fire down into our work.
This point of land, running out beyond our natural line of defence
to within one hundred yards of a high ridge held by the enemy, flanked
on its weaker side by the fleet, and almost entirely unsupported by any
other fortification, had always been considered a weak point with us, and
it could not be permanently held without a loss that would be severely
felt by our weakened garrison.
THE FALL OF VICKSBURG.
During the forenoon, on the 7th of July, the Federals called out to
our men in many places that Vicksburg had been surrendered to General Grant
on the 4th of July, with its garrison.
To give us greater assurance of the truth of their assertions, there
was sent in to General Gardner, through some of the pickets, an official
copy of General Grant's dispatch to General Banks, announcing the capitulation
of Vicksburg.
A COUNCIL OF WAR.
That night a council of war was held at General Gardner's headquarters,
which was protracted until 2 o'clock on the morning of the 8th. The situation
of Port Hudson was well worthy of serious consideration by the chief officers
of its garrison. It was sixty-one days since the commencement of the bombardment
by the fleet; forty-eight days since the virtual beginning of the siege,
and there had been forty-five days of actual investment, comprising two
grand attacks, and twenty-four charges or attempts to storm our lines.
A fortified position, constructed for a garrison of twenty thousand
men, after its abandonment had been ordered, had been held by less than
one-third that force for a much longer period than could have been expected
by our forces outside.
At 2 o'clock, on the morning of the 8th of July, General Gardner sent
to General Banks, by flag of truce, for confirmation of the fall of Vicksburg,
which was accorded him. (And yet General Banks in his report, page 149,
says that Gardner stated that the surrender was not on account of the fall
of Vicksburg.)
About 9 o'clock, the same morning, he dispatched Colonels J. G. W.
Steedman and W. R. Miles, and Lieutenant-Colonel Marshall J. Smith as commissioners,
to treat for the surrender of the post.
They did not return until afternoon, and then announced that the following
unconditional surrender of the place and garrison had been agreed upon:
Articles of capitulation proposed between the commissioners on the
part of the garrison of Port Hudson, Louisiana, and the forces of the United
States before said place, July 8th, 1863.
Article I. Major-General F. Gardner to surrender to the United States
forces, under Major-General Banks, the place of Port Hudson and its dependencies
with its garrison, armament, munitions, public funds, and material of war,
in the condition, as nearly as may be, in which they were at the hour of
cessation of hostilities, viz.: 6 o'clock A.M., July 8, 1863
Article II. The surrender, stipulated in Article I, is qualified by
no condition save that the officers and enlisted men composing the garrison
shall receive the treatment due to prisoners of war according to the usage
of civilized warfare.
Article III. All private property of officers and enlisted men shall
be respected and left to their respective owners.
Article IV. The position of Port Hudson shall be occupied tomorrow,
at 7 o'clock A.M., by the forces of the United States, and its garrison
received as prisoners of war by such general officer of the United States
service as may be designated by Major General Banks, with the ordinary
formalities of rendition. The Confederate troops will be drawn up in line,
officers in their position, the right of the line resting on the edge of
the prairie south of the railroad depot, the left extending in the direction
of the village of Port Hudson; the arms and colors will be conveniently
piled, and will be received by the officers of the United States.
Article V. The sick and wounded of the garrison will be cared for by
the authorities of the United States, assisted, if desired by either party,
by the medical officers of the garrison.
Approved:
W. R. MILES,
Commanding right wing.
J. G. W. STEEDMAN,
Commanding left wing.
MARSHALL J. SMITH,
Lieutenant-Colonel Heavy Artillery.
CHARLES P. STONE,
Brigadier-General.
W. DWIGHT,
Brigadier-General
HENRY W. BIRG,
Colonel Commanding Third Brigade, Grover's Division.
Approved: FRANK GARDNER, Major-General.
Approved: N.P. BANKS, Major-General
COMBATANTS FRATERNIZING.
Soldiers swarmed from their places of concealment on either side and
met each other in the most cordial and fraternal spirit. Here you would
see a group of Federal soldiers escorted round our works and shown the
effects of their shots, and entertained with accounts of such part of the
siege operations as they could not have learned before.
In the same way our men went into the Federal lines and gazed with
curiosity upon the work which had been giving them so much trouble, escorted
by Federal soldiers who vied with each other in courtesy and a display
of magnanimous spirit.
Not a single case occurred in which the enemy, either officers or privates,
exhibited a disposition to exult over their victory, but, on the contrary,
whenever the subject came up in conversation, it elicited from them only
compliments upon the skill and bravery of the defence.
One of their surgeons came in during a heavy rain storm and brought
medicines for our sick, repeating his visit the next morning, and bringing
a large quantity of quinine, which he dosed out to the fever patients.
During the afternoon and evening of the 8th a large number of Federals
were within our lines visiting at our camps, whither most of our men had
repaired to pack up their little stock of clothing preparatory to an expected
departure on the morrow.
The following order was published:
HEADQUARTERS PORT HUDSON, LOUISIANA,
July 8, 1863.
GENERAL ORDERS, No. 61:
I. Nobly have the troops performed their duty in the defence of this
position, continued from the 21st of May to the present date. The cheerfulness,
bravery, and zeal displayed by the troops during the hardships and suffering
of this long siege have never been surpassed, and every man can feel the
proud satisfaction that he has done his part in this heroic defence of
Port Hudson. The place is surrendered at the last moment it is proper to
hold it, and after a most gallant defence in several severe attacks, in
all of which the enemy have been signally repulsed. Let all continue, during
the duties that still remain to be performed, to show that cheerful obedience
which has distinguished them as soldiers up to this time.
II. The troops will be paraded at 6 o'clock A.M. to morrow for surrender,
in line of battle in the same order as they are now at the breastworks,
with the heavy artillery on the right in the edge of the prairie, in the
rear of the railroad depot, the left extending towards the town of Port
Hudson. All officers and men will be in their places under arms.
By command of Major General Frank Gardner,
[Signed] C.M. JACKSON,
Acting Assistant Adjutant General.
<shv14_344>
Shortly after dark a train of wagons brought in a liberal supply of
provisions for the garrison from the enemy's commissariat. They were issued
to the troops during the night-time, and early the next morning our men
enjoyed the first good meal they had partaken of for a long time.
At seven o'clock on the morning of the 9th, our line was formed in
the field back of the railroad depot, near the landing, every man not too
sick to be confined in the hospital being in the ranks. As General Gardner
rode along the line, with his staff, he was enthusiastically cheered by
the men who had served so faithfully under him, and whose affection and
confidence he had permanently gained during days and weeks of trial.
The enemy's column, marching down the road to the landing, approached
the right of our line, preceded by General Andrews and staff.
When Brigadier-General Andrews approached, General Gardner advanced
with his sword drawn and presented the hilt to General Andrews with the
following words:
"Having thoroughly defended this position as long as I deemed it necessary,
I now surrender to you my sword, and with it this post and its garrison."
To which General Andrews replied:
"I return your sword as a proper compliment to the gallant commander
of such gallant troops--conduct that would be heroic in another cause."
To which General Gardner replied as he returned his sword, with emphasis,
into the scabbard:
"This is neither the time nor place to discuss the cause."
The order was given along our line to ground arms, which was obeyed,
and our men stood in line while the enemy had marched from right to left
until they had formed in line before us, when they hoisted their flag upon
the bluff, fired a salute, and the ceremony was over.
It was now announced to our men that they would be paroled--news that
was received by them with great satisfaction, particularly as they had
made up their minds already to a term of imprisonment.
ROSTER OF CONFEDERATE FORCES ENGAGED IN THE DEFENCE OF PORT HUDSON,
MAY 2IST TO JULY 8, 1863.
Major-General Frank Gardner commanding.
Staff--Major T Friend Wilson, Adjutant-General; Captains Jackson and
Lanier, Assistant Adjutant-Generals; Major Spratley, Chief Quartermaster;
Captain Geo. Simpson, Inspector-General; Lieutenant-Colonel Marshall J.
Smith, Chief of Heavy Artillery; Lieutenant-Colonel Jas. P. Parker, Chief
of Light Artillery; Captain L. J. Girard, Chief of Ordnance; Lieutenant
F. Y. Dabney, Chief Engineer; Colonel J. A. Jacquess, Captain A. Dupree,
Aides-de-Camp.
Engineers--Fred. Y. Dabney, First Lieutenant and Chief Engineer; Stork
and Jas. Freret, Second Lieutenants, Engineers; Butler, Assistant Engineer.
River Batteries--Lieutenant-Colonel MARSHALL J. SMITH Commanding Right
Wing in front of the village of Port Hudson.
I.--One 30-pound Parrott, one 12-pound brass-rifled (removed), First
Alabama regiment, Captain J.'F. Whitfield.
II.--One 42-smooth, two 24-rifled siege, First Alabama regiment, Captain
J. D. Meadows.
III.--One 42-smooth, one 32-rifled, First Alabama regiment, Captain
R. H. Riley.
IV.--One 8-inch Columbiad, one 10-inch Columbiad, Twelfth Louisiana
battalion artillery, Captain Seawell.
V.--One 10-inch Columbiad, one 42-smooth, one 32-smooth, First Alabama,
Captain D. W. Ramsey.
VI.--Two 24-pound rifled, 12th Louisiana battalion, Captain Kean.
VII--Two 24-pound smooth and hot shot, First Tennessee battalion, Captain
Waller; moved to land lines at Clinton road, Captain Lahey.
Left Wing--Lieutenant-Colonel DE GOURNAY Commanding.
VIII--Two rifled 24-pound siege, Twelfth Louisiana battalion--one moved
to land lines at Slaughter's field--Captain Coffin.
IX--One 8-inch howitzer (Paixon), Lieutenant Rodriguez.
X--One 32 pound smooth, Lieutenant McDowell.
XI--One 20-pound Parrott, Lieutenant Watts Kearney and twenty-two men
(Miles's Legion). <shv14_346>
Land Line, Right Wing, Right Resting on Mississippi River--W. R. MILES,
Colonel Commanding.
Miles's Legion, F. B. Brand, Lieutenant-Colonel commanding; J. T. Coleman,
Major.
Infantry--Ninth battalion Louisiana infantry, Bowling R. Chinn commanding;
battalion miscellaneous commands of Maxey's brigade, organized under Captain
S. A. Whitesides (Fourth and Thirtieth Louisiana, Forty second, Forty-eighth,
Forty-ninth, Fifty-third and Fifty-fifth Tennessee, and Seventh Texas);
detachment of De Gournay's battery, acting as infantry, Anderson Merchant,
Major commanding.
Artillery--Boone's battery; two sections of Roberts's battery.
Centre, Right Resting on Advanced Work--W. N. R. BEALE, Brigadier-General
Commanding.
Infantry--Twelfth Arkansas regiment, T. J. Reed, Colonel commanding;
First Arkansas battalion, Jones, Lieutenant-Colonel commanding; Sixteenth
Arkansas regiment, Provence, Colonel commanding; First Mississippi regiment,
Hamilton, Lieutenant Colonel commanding--Johnson, Major; Twenty-third Arkansas
regiment, O. P. Lyle, Lieutenant-Colonel commanding--Black, Major; one
company of Forty-ninth Alabama regiment, Street, Major commanding.
Artillery--Abbay's battery, First Mississippi regiment, light artillery;
two sections of Watson's battery; two 24-pounders, Captains Waller and
Lahey, at Clinton road; one 24-pounder, Captain Coffin, at Slaughter's
field.
Left Wing, Right Resting on Railroad--J. G. W. STEEDMAN, Colonel Commanding.
Order of rune 12th--Fifteenth Arkansas, Ben. Johnson, Colonel commanding,
384 men, with full complement of officers On 27th May surrendered 92 muskets.
Lost, May 27th, 71 killed and wounded, and 14 prisoners; afterwards, about
70 killed and wounded; First Alabama, Lieutenant-Colonel Locke, commanding;
Eighteenth Arkansas, Parish, Lieutenant-Colonel commanding; Tenth Arkansas,
Vaughn, Lieutenant-Colonel commanding; Ninth Louisiana (Wingfield's) battalion
of cavalry, dismounted, Amacker, Captain commanding (only one company during
siege, First Lieutenant Oct. Daliet commanding); Thirty-ninth Mississippi,
W. B. Shelby Colonel commanding.
Signal Corps--Lieutenant STEVENS, Commanding.
Artillery--Seven pieces Herrod's battery, First Mississippi regiment
light artillery; two 12-pound Blakely guns, Lieutenant Cook; two guns Watson's
battery, Lieutenant Toledano; two small breech loaders, Whitworth, of Wingfield's
battalion, Captain Sparkman.
CONFEDERATE LOSS.
May 20--Killed, wounded, missing and prisoners. Total, 89--Report of
Miles.
May 27--Killed, wounded, missing and prisoners. Total, 225.
Surrendered.
"Banks's" report--6,408 men.
(Page 137), twenty pieces heavy artillery, 31 pieces light artillery,
30 pieces dismounted; 5,000 good muskets, and 5,000 not good; 32,000 pounds
powder in magazine; 12,000 made up; 150,000 cartridges for small arms.
Colonel Ben. Johnson, say about 3,000 active, and 1,250 sick and wounded--total,
4,250.
FEDERAL FORCES.
Nathaniel P. Banks, Major-General commanding (from General Banks's
Campaign of Port Hudson).
Right--General Weitzel and General Grover. (Banks's Report, page 146).
Centre--General Augur, 3,500 men (Banks's Report). Artillery--Seventeen
3 inch rifle, Rambridge, Hebrard, &e.; four 6-inch rifle, heavy; nine
naval batteries, Dahlgren-Ferry; four siege mortars, Terry; twelve 8-inch
siege howitzer-mortars, &c.; six 6-pounders, Sawyer; two 9-pounders,
Dahlgren; eighteen 12-pounder howitzers, Napoleons, &c.; fifteen 20-pounder
Parrotts; five 24-pounder Parrotts, and seven 30-pounder Parrotts.
Left--General T. W. Sherman.
Effective Force--"Banks's Report," pages 128 and 146--13,000 on May
27; March 14th, 12,000; J. Franklin Fitts (in "June Day," &c.), about
20,000; Orville Victor, about 18,000--about three times the besieged.
FEDERAL LOSS.
"Banks," page 146, May 27--Killed, 293; wounded, 1,549; missing, about
300--total, 2,142.
June 14--No correct report--Orville Victor says about 2,000.