The 114th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was originally mustered into service on August 17 1861, only three days after Philadelphia lawyer Charles Henry Tuckey Collis received authorization from Assistant Secretary of War Thomas Alexander Scott to raise a company of zouaves “…for three years or during the war…” as Collis’ Independent Company “Zouaves De Afrique”.
At the onset of the American civil war Zouaves were an American craze,
which first hit the shores of the country following the Crimean War, although
the Zouaves had existed in the French army for years. Originally recruited
from the Algierian Zouaoua tribe in 1831, the Zouaves expanded into three
full battalions of nine companies over the next ten years, but by this
time the companies were mostly comprised of Europeans who adopted the colorful
attire of the native African troops.
During the conflict over the Crimea, and subsequent European campaigns,
the French Zouaves acts of valor and gallantry won the Zouaves a place
in the annals of military history. So it was only natural that American
soldiers would try to emulate their actions on the field of battle.
Collis’ men were dressed in baggy brick red trousers, short dark blue jackets with red tape trim forming two tombeaus on the chest, dark blue vests or the Zouave shirt, which is most evident in photographs of the regiment. They also wore the brick red fez with a large golden yellow tassle and white turban. A french blue sash around the waist, white leggings and leather jambieres to protect the legs completed the outfit. Young Captain George Brinton McClellan said of the Zouaves “…with his graceful dress, soldierly bearing, and vigilant attitude, the Zouave at an outpost is the beau-ideal of a soldier.”
The Zouaves trained in the art of war on Pea Patch Island at the six acre Fort Delaware, to be known later as the “Andersonville of the North” when it was opened for prisoner population in 1862 after the battle of Kernstown. From there they travelled to Philadelphia on their way to General Nathaniel Prentiss Banks’ Division which was located at Darnestown, MD.
The Zouaves narrowly missed seeing their first action on October 21, 1861 during the ill-fated Battle of Ball’s Bluff. They were ordered to move to support Major General Charles P. Stone. Banks had telegraphed Major General George McClellan on the 20th that the Confederate forces had moved from Leesburg. McClellan ordered Stone to demonstrate but not advance. But Stone did advance at Edwards Ferry and also at Ball’s Bluff. And the ensuing action was such a folly, as the Federals had provided no way back across the Potomac. With their backs to the water, they were completely routed. The Confederates later called it a “pigeon shoot”.
Collis married Septima M. Levy on December 9, 1861, while the company had gone into winter quarters at Frederick, Maryland. It was during this winter that Collis also began campaigning to command a force of miners which would essentially have the duties of engineers, but it was not to be. On February 23, 1862 the Zouaves received orders that they would be moving soon.
Banks marched his army across the Potomac and occupied Harpers Ferry, and by the 9th of March they were 12 miles north of Winchester, VA. at Bunker Hill. Banks' army met up with Brigadier General James Shields division and were then known as the Fifth Corps. In the Shenandoah Valley Banks’ new fifth corps was not alone. General Thomas J. Jackson and his small army was given the task of protecting the valley from federal occupation and several battles ensued during his valley campaign. The Zouaves very nearly wore out their shoes marching through Snicker’s Gap in the Blue Ridge, into Aldie, then on to Goose Creek, from there to Fairfax Courthouse, and finally on to the Orange and Alexandria Railroad to ride to Warrenton Junction. In early April the Zouaves were detached from their normal duties as Banks’ bodyguard, and were sent to serve with the 28th Pennsylvania. During their time with Colonel John W. Geary and his men the Zouaves helped to repair and guard bridges and roads while the Confederate cavalry made several attempts to destroy them.
During their time with Geary and his men the Zouaves helped to repair and guard bridges and roads while the Confederate cavalry made several attempts to destroy them.
By mid-April Jackson’s army in the Valley had been reinforced by Major General Richard S. Ewell and the Valley Campaign began in earnest. Jackson turned his numerical superiority against the bewildered Federals. His strategy to “…always mystify, mislead, and surprise the enemy.” was being played out as Jackson turned and crushed every Federal Army that dared enter the Valley. It was at Strasburg where the Zouaves found Banks awaiting the next round in the battle with Jackson.
As Jackson made his way through the Luray Valley towards Front Royal and then to Winchester, Banks continued to disbelieve the fact that Jackson was a threat to his position in the valley. From a messengers’ report that Jackson was indeed moving on Front Royal, Collis took his company to reconnoiter the situation. He found Jackson’s army in force and ready to move on Winchester, and by the time the Zouaves returned to Banks, he had begun to move portions of his army to the town. Collis and the company were left behind along with other troops to act as a rear guard. When they came upon the enemy: “I threw my men quickly as possible behind a stone wall on the east side of the road, running along the south side of the town, and within 150 paces of the enemies position. Our first reception was a whole volley of musketry form right to left, but, thanks to our little breastwork, I had but one man (Charles Fedalen) injured, and he but slightly. The fire was three times returned by my brave men, whose cool aim, short range, and grand position must have had terrible effect”
The unit that the Zouaves found themselves facing were “Wheat’s Tigers,” commanded by Major Chatham Roberdeau Wheat. One of his companies, a Zouave company, was present and advanced against the company hunkered down behind the stone wall. With superior numbers, Wheat began to flank the right of Collis’ line, and Collis decided to fall back. The move was “…accomplished in wonderfully good order.”
Hotly pursued by the advancing confederates, the Zouaves found brief respite at the top of a hill south of Middletown. Four pieces of the 1st Pennsylvania artillery began firing canister from the hill down on top of the confederates. Eventually the small band were obliged to fall back again, and Collis and his men continued on, but finding themselves cut off from Banks by the enemy, the Zouaves headed west and did not find Banks for two days. “A third time cut off, with nothing but misfortune staring us in the face, though we had spared no human effort to come to your aid, I was at last compelled to provide for our own personal safety…We lost all our personal baggage, knapsacks, blankets, etc…Incredible, general as it may appear, my men marched 141 miles in forty-seven hours…” Private Charles Fedalen was wounded and taken prisoner near the stone wall, Jacques Laurier and James Britton were wounded, and William McClane was killed in the Zouaves first action of the war.
The Zouaves fought bravely during the rest of their time in the Valley, being attached to Colonel George L. Andrews’ 2nd Massachusetts, they fought at Winchester on May 25th, and at the Battle of Cedar Mountain on August 9, where they lost 13 wounded and killed: “Thrown into the front ranks, they bore the brunt of a close and fierce assault with genuine Zouaveism. Their numbers previously depleted by promotions and recruiting squads, it is feared, will be thinned by the wounded and disabled in this encounter. Only one killed is reported, Arthur H. Coxe, of this city, who fell pierced through the body, after fighting nobly from the opening of the fire. Collis’ surviving heroes of Culpeper, promoted to positions in the new regiment will add a glorious prestige to the already popular command.”
Captain Collis had been given permission to return to Philadelphia to increase his command to an entire regiment. He went at his new task immediately, leaving the company under the charge of First Lieutenant Severin A. Barthoulot, and Second Lieutenant George Heimach. The Zouaves remained in the 2nd Massachusetts, 2nd Corps, 1st Division , 3rd Brigade throughout the summer of 1862. Just prior to their next engagement the reorganization of the army left the Zouaves serving in the 12th Corps, 1st Division, 3rd brigade.
That engagement was the Battle of Antietam near Sharpsburg, Maryland. General George H. Gordon commanded the brigade that the Zouaves and the 2nd Mass. found themselves in. Gordon’s men including the 2nd and the Zouaves, the 3rd Wisconsin, and 27th Indiana, arrived at the double quick to fill a hole left in the center of the First Corps line at the cornfield. New York Tribune correspondent George W. Smalley reported that their line near David Millers farmstead“…crowned the hill and stood out darkly against the sky, but lighted and shrouded over in flame and smoke…there was no more gallant, determined, heroic fighting in all this desperate day.” The report of Colonel Andrews writing of the 2nd included in his report: “…I would include in this commendation the few remaining men of the company of the Zouaves d’Afrique attached to this regiment; their only remaining officer was necessarily absent sick…Of the company of Zouaves d’Afrique, 3 were wounded, 1 of whom is missing.”
Andrews makes reference to “…the few remaining men…” alluding, perhaps to the many desertions which occurred during this time. Many of the Zouaves felt betrayed by promised bounties not being paid to them, and by Collis going off with his wife to recruit in Philadelphia and live in the lap of luxury. Some felt he did not deserve the new rank of Colonel. “Since we left Philadelphia, Captain Collis has not drilled us ten times. While on a march from one place to another he will mount a horse and ride ahead of his company and not show himself for days. Since we have been here (Frederick Maryland) he has never drilled the men, nor looked after their comfort or improvement whatever. We are pronounced by all military men to be one of the most thoroughly drilled companies in the service (thanks to our Lieutenants and our own pride as soldiers and Philadelphians). If we do not get justice and treatment as men, the company will be entirely demoralized.” Edward J. Haggerty in his book on Collis’ Zouaves put it best when he wrote, “Collis would eventually soothe their ruffled feathers, but it was obviously a disgruntled group of Zouaves who were tramping around the Virginia and Maryland countryside that summer.”
After the battle of Antietam the Zouaves decided to leave the field and go to Philadelphia to secure a reason why they had not as yet been assigned to Collis’ new regiment, the 114th Pennsylvania. A letter was also written to Pennsylvania Governor Andrew G. Curtin outlining the reasons for their dissatisfaction with Collis and First Lieutenant Barthoulot: “Barthoulot being generally in a state of intoxication and consequently unfit for duty…” and “…at times when most needed refusing to take command.” Moreover, the men were extremely unhappy that Collis had been “generally engaged elsewhere,” and that they had been kept “in a perfect state of ignorance as to (his) whereabouts.” The men also claimed not to have been aware that Collis was recruiting a new regiment until they had read it in a newspaper in July. Collis supposedly wrote to the men promising to make them officers and nco’s in the new regiment, but Collis had already chosen 30 men from the company to serve in that capacity and it seems unlikely he would make this promise, as the Zouave d’Afrique were slated to become Company A of the regiment, under Captain Barthoulot.
At the Battle of Cedar Mountain in August Barthoulot was under arrest for drunkeness and disorderly conduct. Second Lieutenant Heimack was wounded and taken prisoner, leaving the hapless Barthoulot as “…necessarily absent, sick.” at Antietam, with the company under the command of Fifth Sergeant George Doriot. The letter further went on to state that they wished to remain under the command of Heimack, and asked for a transfer to the 110th Pennsylvania, or be allowed to expand the company into a battallion also commanded by Heimack. Early October found Collis wondering where on earth his company was. When he found out he wrote a letter to the Assistant Adjutant General Major Thomas Vincent, asking that they be returned to him at once. He also claimed to have repeatedly asked for them during his summer absence, only to be ignored. Collis immediately dispatched Barthoulot to Philadelphia to bring them back.
The Zouaves obviously paid him no mind, for Barthoulot wired Collis asking what to do. Collis’ exasperated reply: “I am surprised that you should write me asking ‘What are you to do?’ with the members of Co. A of this regiment…You will immediately send them to these Head Quarters, and unless they report soon they will be arrested and sent to Harpers ferry to work on the fortifications. These men are in Philadelphia without authority, and unless you do something promptly to make their services available to the government, you may get yourself into serious trouble.”
During this time of trouble for Collis, Barthoulot and the Zouaves D’Afrique, the new regiment, The 114th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry had moved from Philadelphia to Washington City, where they were busy performing picket duty and digging entrenchments around the forts surrounding the city. The 114th were brigaded with the 63rd, 68th, 105th, and 141st Pennsylvania, and the 20th Indiana. Private George Murray of Company B wrote home to his father and mother in September of 1862 of the 20th: “You ought to see their flags, they are cut to pieces so that you can hardly see them.” The 20th had seen much action, from the engagement at Newport News between the Merrimac and Monitor, to the Seven Days battles, which included Oak Grove, White Oak Swamp and Glendale, Jordan’s Ford, Malvern Hill, Groveton and finally Second Bull Run.
Captain Frank Elliot of Company F was lucky enough to enlist the services of a fifteen-piece brass cornet band, which also wore the dashing uniform of the regiment. After watching the regiment of Zouaves drill, private James Parley Coburn of the 141st Pennsylvania wrote home: “ Each regiment is drawn up in a line by itself, & I tell you a thousand men make quite a line, but there were 10 such regiments in view from our camp. That which would please you the most is the 114th from Philadelphia…& when drawn up in line…their guns glittering in the rays of the setting sun – O! Isn’t it nice! And then their band marches the whole length of the line playing such pieces as any patriot loves to hear. “Fix bayonets: & a thousand bristling bayonets are drawn from their scabbard and “fixed” in less time than it takes me to write it. “Shoulder arms!” & a thousand white-gloved hands grasp a thousand muskets at the same instant looking as though they were moved by a machine so perfect are their movements. “Order arms!” and a thousand muskets strike the ground so nearly at the same time that you could hear but one sound. They are beauties I tell you – but when they “Charge bayonets” with such a yell as Zouaves only can give, the rebels’ll skedaddle even if they have five times as many men as the red breeches have.”
October 11th found the Zouaves moving on to Poolesville, Maryland, conducting a forced march in order to slow up Confederate General James Ewell Brown Stuart’s raiding into Maryland and Pennsylvania, but the tired Zouaves saw no Confederate cavalrymen. For the next few days the Zouaves hurried about from point to point along the Potomac River trying to catch them but to no avail.
On the 23rd of October Governor Andrew Curtin arrived at the camp of the regiment and presented the Zouaves with their State and National colors. They were made by Horstmann Brothers in Philadelphia, with whom the government had contracted to produce Pennsylvania battle flags during the war.
“Well Burnside, I turn the command over to you.” Maj. Gen. George B.
McClellan spoke these words to his successor, Maj. Gen. Ambrose Burnside
on November 7, 1862. The command had been offered to Burnside twice before
and twice he had turned it down. Writing to Gen. In Chief Henry Halleck
he replied: “Had I been asked to take it, I should have declined; but,
being ordered, I cheerfully obey.”
At 19 he had enrolled at West Point and in his first year he ranked
207 out of 211 cadets. He barely scraped by his remaining years and graduated
18th out of 38 in 1847.
Almost immediately after taking command, Burnside abandoned McClellan’s current operations at Warrenton and prepared to move his 120,000 man army southeast, towards Fredericksburg.
In probably the swiftest move of the army to that date, the lead elements of the Army of the Potomac reached Stafford Heights across from Fredericksburg a mere 10 days later, with the 400 foot wide Rappahannock River the only obstacle facing Burnside. Now all he had to do was cross the river with the pontoon bridges he had ordered to meet him at the heights. But the pontoons hadn’t arrived. And by the time they did arrive, so had the confederates.
Collis’ Zouaves arrived on the 22nd and settled into their tents d’abri, which were to say the least, inadequate. George Murray wrote home that it was “…getting pretty cold in our dog houses.” There they sat in front of Fredericksburg, waiting for the pontoons to arrive, and all the while they watched the remainder of Lee’s army move into and fortify their new positions in the town. Food was scarce and the weather was getting colder.
On the move to the heights, Collis was forced to leave behind the officer’s baggage, camp equipment and other items such as “…20 muskets, and a box and a half of cartridges.” Collis had left behind four men to guard the provisions and equipment, but was condemned for its loss to the confederates.
Beginning on December 11 the federal engineers began laying their pontoon bridges, many of them falling into the cold water of the Rappahannock as they were shot down by rebel sharpshooters in the town. A brigade of Mississippians commanded by William Barksdale, a brigade that would become entwined with the history of the 114th the following summer, fired these shots.
Brigadier General Henry Hunt, the chief of artillery for the Army of the Potomac opened up with his 150 artillery pieces that were stationed along the heights, and he battered the town for 2 hours. Some 8,000 projectiles rained down upon the old city in the federal attempt to silence the sharpshooters. “Rapidly the huge guns vomited forth their terrible shot and shell into every corner and thoroughfare of [Fredericksburg].”
Convinced he had solved the problem, Burnside ordered the engineers to resume their task when the confederates opened fire again. Dumbfounded, Burnside next ordered troops to be ferried across the river to put an end to the firing. Those that made the trip across the 400 foot span rushed ashore and into Barksdale’s men. Some of the most hotly contested street fighting of the war occurred during this time.
The engineers were finally able to lay three pontoon bridges northwest of the town at Franklin’s Crossing, and Burnside poured federal troops into Fredericksburg. A Connecticut chaplain wrote of the actions that occurred on the 12th of December: “I saw men break down the doors to rooms of fine houses, enter, shatter the looking glasses with the blow of the ax, [and] knock the vases and lamps off the mantelpiece with a careless swing ... A cavalry man sat down at a fine rosewood Piano ... drove his saber through the polished keys, then knocked off the top [and] tore out the strings...”
Watching from the relative safety of the bluffs overlooking the river and the bridges, the 114th saw the battle unfold on the morning of the 13th. The Battle of Fredericksburg had begun...