Bolivian's Dark Past Starts to Catch Up With Him
By CLIFFORD KRAUSS
LA PAZ, Bolivia
-- When Hugo Banzer was democratically elected president in 1997, two
decades after
his military dictatorship, most Bolivians seemed more interested in economic
issues than
in past human-rights abuses.
The disappearance
of 200 Bolivians during Banzer's rule from 1971 to 1978 was only a minor
issue
in the election
campaign, by which time the former general had largely succeeded in polishing
his
reputation.
But then last
October another former dictator, Gen. Augusto Pinochet of neighboring Chile,
was
arrested in
London on a Spanish judge's charge that he had led an effort to kidnap
and kill leftists in
five South American
countries in the 1970s, and Banzer's fortunes began to change.
Demonstrators
quickly massed outside the Spanish Embassy in La Paz carrying signs that
said
"Banzer to trial."
Now he is being besieged by allegations from local human-rights groups,
the press
and even senior
congressional members of his ruling coalition that he knowingly participated
in joint
operations with
the Chilean and Argentine military governments -- as part of a larger regional
effort
called Operation
Condor -- that led to the deaths of at least 36 people.
Past repression
has not incited the same heated debate in this Andean nation of 8 million
people as in
Chile and Argentina,
in large part because the scale of the human-rights abuses was far smaller.
But
the charges
and bad publicity are particularly distracting and embarrassing for Banzer
since they
come at a time
when he is seeking to attract foreign investment and aid to bolster one
of South
America's weakest
economies.
One leftist political
party participating in Banzer's government is going through a wrenching
internal
debate about
whether to supply the Spanish judge investigating Pinochet with evidence
of Bolivian
involvement
in Operation Condor that could eventually lead to Banzer's indictment in
Spain.
Banzer has repeatedly
denied knowledge of Operation Condor, and no firm evidence has yet been
made public
that links him directly to any disappearances. But already the allegations
that his
previous government
coordinated operations with Pinochet have jeopardized vital economic aid
from
Holland, Belgium
and Denmark.
Meanwhile, Banzer's
efforts in recent weeks to silence criticism of his past performance as
a
dictator, both
in the local media and on the floor of the lower house of Congress, have
opened
questions about
his commitment to open government and democratic reform.
"President Banzer's
inability to accept criticism for his past has reopened a wound," said
Carlos
Toranzo Roca,
a leading Bolivian political scientist and economist. "It's not as painful
a wound as
Chile's, but
the entire episode is generating complications for Banzer's government."
Judge Baltasar
Garzon, the Spanish judge trying to extradite Pinochet from Great Britain,
where he is
now being held,
has gathered evidence linking Banzer's first government to the kidnapping
of seven
Bolivians --
three student leaders, a mining-union organizer and three guerrillas --
who were
transferred
to Chile for execution.
The Pinochet
government was apparently interested in interrogating the seven Bolivians
because they
previously had
close ties to members of the socialist government of President Salvador
Allende,
which was overthrown
in a 1973 coup.
Local human-rights
activists and the head of the Bolivian Chamber of Deputies' human-rights
commission say
a total of six Argentines were picked up by Bolivian security forces here
and
transferred
to Argentina for execution. Meanwhile, they say a total of 23 Bolivians
disappeared while
they were living
in exile in Argentina.
Operation Condor
was organized by the Chilean secret intelligence service primarily to hunt
down
Chilean political
exiles living in neighboring countries. According to Garzon, the military
regimes of
Argentina, Brazil,
Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia participated in the operation to eliminate
their own
leftist activists,
especially those living in exile.
After he was
overthrown in a military coup in 1978, Banzer shed his uniform and dedicated
himself
to organizing
a moderately conservative party. The abuses during the first Banzer government
were
largely forgotten
by 1981 because of the repression of a much harsher military regime that
followed,
led by Gen.
Luis Garcia Meza, who was strongly influenced by cocaine traffickers as
well as Klaus
Barbie, a Nazi
exile known as the Butcher of Lyons.
In the 1985 presidential
elections, Banzer won a narrow plurality of the vote but was prevented
from
taking office
by the Congress. Rather than take the advice of party hard-liners who pushed
for a
coup, Banzer
accepted the results.
Since the 1997
election, the Banzer government has won strong applause from the Clinton
administration
and U.N. officials for starting an aggressive coca eradication campaign.
But for all of
his effort to
reform his image, the old ghosts are beginning to return.
After Pinochet's
arrest, La Prensa, a Bolivian daily newspaper, began publishing a series
of articles
about Bolivia's
role in Operation Condor. Allies of Banzer quietly threatened to cut off
government
advertising
in the newspaper. Three reporters considered unfriendly to the government
were then
dismissed, and
the paper's aggressive coverage stopped.
The Bolivian
Chamber of Deputies overwhelmingly approved a resolution Nov. 25 asking
its
human-rights
panel to assemble evidence on Bolivian involvement in Operation Condor
and then
hand it over
to Garzon. But after the commission came up with its evidence, senior government
officials lobbied
hard against any congressional transfer of documents to the Spanish judge.
The Chamber of
Deputies reversed itself in a resolution Feb. 23. It added, however, that
the
Revolutionary
Leftist Movement, or MIR, a government-aligned party that pushed for the
original
congressional
resolution, could offer Garzon the documentation.
The party executive
committee is now debating the issue, with members in its left wing arguing
that
they cannot
forget that three of the seven Bolivians killed in Chile were members of
the party. That
some current
Banzer allies are seeking justice for dissidents who opposed the first
Banzer
government shows
how much politics has changed here over the last three decades.
Nevertheless,
Hugo Carvajal, president of the Chamber of Deputies, warned in an interview
that if
the government
put strong pressure on his party not to send the documents to Spain "it
will generate
friction in
the governing coalition." Carvajal, who himself was arrested and tortured
as a student
leader in the
1970s, added, "Historical memory is important, and this is a matter of
dignity, so I
won't keep quiet."
Recently, Informe
R, a monthly magazine, published an entire issue on Operation Condor that
featured a collage
cover showing Pinochet with a portrait of Banzer in full military uniform
hung on a
wall over his
shoulder.
Editors of the
magazine accused Interior Ministry agents of trying to break into their
offices to
confiscate 1,000
issues before they were delivered to newsstands, a charge the government
denies.
Interior Minister
Guido Nayar Prado threatened to take the magazine to court for defaming
the
president with
a cover he characterized as a fake. Embarrassed by the wide press coverage
that
followed, Banzer
told his minister to drop his threat.
In an interview,
Nayar Prado said, "They put the pictures of the two presidents together
to fool
readers into
thinking that Banzer and Pinochet were the same, which is a lie."