Forty Years Ago: 1961 begins in flames
BY GABRIEL MOLINA
THE crowded corner of Galiano and Neptuno Streets was burning like a
furnace on the night of December 31, 1960.
Firefighters, militia troops, soldiers, workers and members of the
population defied danger once again to prevent the flames from
extending to buildings adjoining the fashionable La Epoca store, one of
the five largest in the Cuban capital.
The Year of Education, 1961, was about to begin in flames, in the
physical as well as the figurative sense.
Some weeks later, on Cuban television, Reynold González, leader
of a
group of saboteurs, confessed that the fire in La Epoca department store
at the end of the year had been started by Cuban CIA agents acting
under his instructions. They used live phosphorus and gelignite supplied
by U.S. intelligence officers in the guise of U.S. embassy officials. It
was
part of a plot to provoke daily desertions from the ranks of the people
and seriously damage the country’s economy. In Washington it was also
referred to as psychological preparation for the projected Bay of Pigs
invasion.
Three months previously, Cuban State Security agencies had collected
sufficient information to support Cuban Foreign Minister Raúl Roa’s
exposé of an accelerated U.S. plan to invade Cuba, before the UN
General Assembly on October 7.
"A large number of exiles and adventurers are receiving special training
under the command of U.S. soldiers at the Helvetia Estate located in El
Palmar municipality adjoining the western departments of Retalhuleu
and Quetzaltenango [in Guatemala], recently acquired by Roberto
Alejos, brother of Carlos Alejos, the Guatemalan ambassador to the
United States, and members of an influential family with palatial
connections."
The report went on to state with amazing precision: "Within the
above-mentioned estate a concrete landing strip with subterranean
hangars has been built and a highway to the Pacific coast is under
construction¼ The Retalhuleu aerodrome has been rapidly redesigned
by U.S. engineers to facilitate the landing and takeoff of heavy and
jet-propelled aircraft¼ During August and September more than 100
U.S. aviators and military technicians have entered Guatemala as
tourists. Bomber aircraft with Cuban insignia have been seen at La
Aurora airport [in the Guatemalan capital]. It is public knowledge that
they have the double mission of attacking Cuba or simulating Cuban
aggression against Guatemala¼ "
The communiqué presented by Roa to Soviet Valerian Zorin, at that
time president of the UN Security Council, requested an urgent meeting
of that body, to "be informed of the document exposing U.S. plans for
direct military aggression within hours against the government and
people of Cuba."
Coinciding with the arson attack on La Epoca and not by chance, the
Uruguayan foreign minister announced that a "secret" U.S. government
report claiming that Cuba was constructing 17 Soviet rocket launching
pads, endangering peace in the Western hemisphere, was being
circulated among Latin American governments.
News agencies affirmed that Uruguay was considering the possibility of
breaking off diplomatic relations with Cuba.
The day before, the Peruvian government had severed diplomatic ties in
the wake of a CIA-organized attack utilizing Cuban
counterrevolutionaries on the Cuban embassy in Lima, leading to the
discovery of documents—previously fabricated by the U.S. intelligence
services—on supposed Cuban financing of Peru’s left-wing movements.
And prior to that, without much subterfuge, Guatemala had cut links.
There, open repression took the place of explanations.
For those reasons, the year began with a call from the Central
Organization of Cuban Trade Unions (CTC), convening the island’s
three western provinces to a mass demonstration in Revolution Square,
still known as Civic Square at the time. "There is imminent danger of a
military attack on Cuba by U.S. imperialist troops," the message read,
adding: "More involved, more disciplined, more active than ever in the
workplace; and more involved, stronger and more resolute than ever
before in the militia¼ "
Fidel had headed a New Year’s dinner with 10,000 teachers in the
former Columbia military camp, converted into Ciudad Libertad School
City, at whose entrance a splendid illuminated arch exhorted: "Teach
people to read and write!"
There, the leader of the Cuban Revolution commented on the
Washington-mounted farce made public in Uruguay and explained that
the lie about rocket launching pads was part of a plan devised by Allen
Dulles and the CIA to create an incident.
He announced that in the face of the danger, tens of thousands of young
people had marched to their posts with their anti-tank, anti-aerial and
mortar batteries and the Rebel Army was taking up positions in special
combat and artillery columns. Everyone was calm and immutably
determined to defend their native soil.
With the arson attack on La Epoca, the enemy was trying to create the
conditions for an invasion; however, it only succeeded in raising an even
higher flame: the people’s fighting spirit.
PRESIDENT EISENHOWER DECIDES TO BREAK OFF
RELATIONS WITH CUBA
The second anniversary of the triumph of the Revolution was
commemorated on January 2 in an atmosphere of tension and joy.
Although the Cuban people had been warned to prepare for direct
aggression from the United States throughout virtually the whole of the
previous year, popular support for the revolutionary government
increased rather than diminished. The profoundest structural changes in
Latin American history had taken place during those two years. The
Agrarian Reform and Urban Reform Acts, the nationalization of U.S.
agricultural, industrial and service companies and of Cuban industry and
big business, among other measures, together with the dissolution of
Batista’s army, complemented the destruction of the bourgeoisie’s
economic and military apparatus, as Karl Marx had written.
The expansion of jobs and wages, social advances and the benefits
resulting from popular measures linked with Cubans’ traditional cheerful
nature to spark an explosion of joy that the threats failed to dampen.
For that reason, the characteristics of the celebration for the second
anniversary were tight unity around Fidel and a display of the nascent
revolutionary military power.
People were anxious to demonstrate their support for the Revolution and
to have an overall view of the armaments of the different sectors in
training.
Fidel set in motion a tireless activity to strengthen awareness of the
need
for an accelerated self-defense. The men’s and women’s militia
battalions, where young people took on the potentially most combative
positions, had been formed.
Several hundreds of thousands of people erupted into acclamations when
Major of the Revolution Juan Almeida, head of the Rebel Army, led off
the parade in a jeep at the head of four Rebel Army special combat
columns, before joining the leaders on the rostrum.
The columns were followed by bazooka companies, 120mm mortar and
anti-aircraft batteries, anti-tank cannons and heavy artillery. Nothing
like
it had ever been seen in the country. Never before had the people
greeted armaments so enthusiastically. And the atmosphere reached its
highest point when the crowd shouted out as one: "The tanks are
coming!"
A seemingly endless, powerful file of heavy and medium T-34 tanks
rolled into the square with the mechanical sound of their tracks rising
above the acclamations. That afternoon, the sound of the advancing
tanks was musical harmony in people’s ears.
The atmosphere remained electric. After the tanks came the members of
the Brigades of Working Youth, known as Five Peaks after they scaled
the Turquino Peak in the Sierra Maestra, grasping their light bazookas
with martial bearing.
The Cubans were able to witness the fruits of the recent months of rapid
but painstaking training. First came the voluntary teachers armed with
submachine guns, followed by women’s combat battalions from the
Revolutionary National Militia carrying automatic rifles, and the men’s
with Czech submachine guns or rifles, their decided and martial gait
coming as a joyful surprise. Other battalions continued filing across the
square with bazookas, 81mm and 120mm mortars, anti-tank weapons
and anti-aircraft guns which had already become popular known as "four
mouths" among the youthful artillery forces, which would have a brilliant
role in the future. A rhythmical, bantering and victorious song was born
among the cheering mass of men and women:
WITH RIFLES, CANNONS, SHOTGUNS, CUBA IS RESPECTED!
It was no secret to anybody that the U.S. government had not merely
refused to sell arms to Cuba. It had not merely put pressure on the
Western European governments not to sell arms to Cuba. It had gone to
the extreme of sowing mourning and desolation among Cuban dock
workers, French sailors and people in the locality who rushed to help
when La Coubre steamer, loaded with armaments from Belgium, was
blown up by the CIA in February 1960 to prevent Cuba from obtaining
weapons with which to defend itself.
Everyone knew that first in secret and then openly, Fidel, Raúl
and other
Cuban leaders had acquired armaments from the socialist countries,
principally the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia, which would turn any
aggression against the island into a difficult undertaking.
Simply, those were moments that were lived to the full. In one of those
contradictions, danger presented the opportunity to feel a tremendous
and multifaceted joie de vivre.