Myth, Blood, and Ink
Was Davy Crockett Really the King of the Wild Frontier?
BY DAVID GARZA
Jose Enriqué de la Peña's version of how Texas came to be
José Enrique de la Peña has been telling stories, and not
everyone wants to hear them. A lieutenant colonel in the Mexican
army who fought at the Alamo in 1836, both his voice and his
controversial narratives survive in the form of a massive, 680-page
diary that details his eyewitness account of the short and brutal
war that led to the independence of Texas. But thanks to one very
brief passage in the text, the encyclopedic diary itself has been at
the center of a heated ideological war about how Texas should
view its heroes and myths since its first English translation was
published 25 years ago. Offering compelling challenges to the
traditional story of how Texas came to be, de la Peña, it seems,
is
still fighting his tough revolution. The notorious passage, which
claims that the mythic Davy Crockett was captured by Mexican
soldiers and executed by order of General Antonio Lopez de
Santa Anna instead of dying in the glory of patriotic battle, has
severely angered those loyal to Crockett's reputation and has
brought rise to countless historical questions. These questions and
mostly unsearchable answers were the subject of a daylong
conference on April 29 organized by UT's Center for American
History and titled "Eyewitness to the Texas Revolution: Jose
Enrique de la Peña and His Narrative." Bringing together historians
and experts on the Texas campaign for independence, the panels
mixed high drama and deep thought to grapple with the
authenticity and accuracy of the manuscipt itself, as well as to
discuss larger trends in the formulation of cultural histories. Most
importantly, conference organizers promised to reveal the results
of scientific tests on the diary that would prove once and for all
whether the voice of the colonel was authentic.
The problem, of course, is that authenticity does not guarantee
accuracy. Even if it could be proven that the de la Peña diary is
not a forgery, there could be no way to resolve the question of
how Davy Crockett died. The Mexican observer could have lied
about what he saw, after all, or he could merely be retelling false
or distorted secondhand tales. Still, there was a curious mood in
the LBJ Library auditorium as the results of the tests were about to
be revealed. One group of college-aged kids started placing bets
on the fate of the diary: "I'll give you a dollar if this is really a fake."
There were those, too, in the audience who had spent years trying
to discredit the manuscript for whom the moment seemed
overwhelmingly fateful. Chief among them was Bill Groneman, the
New York-based author of Defense of a Legend, which claims
that the diary is a forgery that has irresponsibly tarnished the
reputation of an impeccable hero. The Crockett that Groneman
and his fellow defenders continue to cherish is not a man who was
captured and beaten, but the standard and iconic Fess Parker
figure, complete with the intriguing hat and surrounded by piles of
Mexican soldiers at his feet.
For those who fell somewhere in between the two sides of the
fight over how Crockett died, there were a number of fascinating
issues to consider. During his lunchtime address, novelist Stephen
Harrigan (The Gates of the Alamo) noted that he would not be
surprised if the document turned out to be fake. "There is
something hauntingly not quite right about it," he said, commenting
on the diary's shifting tone and points of view. "Something kept me
from falling in love [with it]." Others simply marveled at the
stubbornness and fanaticism of those caught up in the fight. "This
was like a two-headed snake that struck twice with one lunge,"
said Dora Guerra, who curated the diary during its previous stay at
the University of Texas at San Antonio.
So when David Gracy, a professor of archival enterprise in the
graduate school of library and information science at UT, took to
the podium to announce the results of his tests, a great many
people straightened up and sat at the edge of their seats. There
was utter silence as he vigorously and exhaustively recounted the
extent of the tests on the ink and the paper, the comparisons of
handwriting samples, and the logical arguments to support what he
found. "Unavoidable is the conclusion that the journal is authentic,"
he declared in his almost inappropriate fashion, heatedly
addressing many of his points directly to Groneman. And for an
unspeakable moment, the hero Davy Crockett seemed deader
than ever, marred not by blood but by ink.
The second most important question of the day, and the one that is
even harder to answer, has to do with the fascination and genuine
need that cultures have to create unreal myths based on historical
events: Why does it matter how Davy Crockett died? The facts
are that he fought at the Alamo, he did die, and he has been
honored for it. To many, it seems nothing but a technicality if he
was captured and killed instead of having gone down fighting. But
James Crisp, a professor at North Carolina State University,
argued at the conference that the instant legend of Crockett and
his colleagues had a profound effect not only on the self-image of
the state that they created, but on the actual immediate effects of
the war.
"Santa Anna lost two battles on April 21, 1836," Crisp said,
refering to the defeat of the Mexican army at San Jacinto. On the
one hand, he claimed, they lost an actual and present conflict on
the muddy fields in one afternoon. But there was also the subtext
of the unfinished Alamo fight, made all the more present by the
cries of "Remember the Alamo." It was the gravity of the myth that
had already been formed that changed what could have been a
small assault into a decisive victory that wrenched a gargantuan
chunk of land from the Mexican government. If the ghost of
Crockett had not been there, in other words, the war might have
continued much longer.
But Crisp admits, too, that the issue at stake with the de
la Peña diary is not just the simple question of how one
man died, but the issue of how history is made and how
voices are silenced. He's right. One undeniably crucial
concern which was never explicitly addressed at the
conference was the fact that the diary's Mexican origin
casts complex shadows on how it has been received in
an American audience. For those who have had trouble
accepting the fact that Crockett was captured, for
instance, one must wonder how much of their outrage is
intensified by the fact that the capture came at the hands of a
Mexican army. Is the actual history made all the more
unacceptable due to idea that not only was the adventurous and
physically superior Crockett executed, but that he was executed
by a Mexican force?
When a figure like Crockett becomes the symbol of the entire
state and its history, that question becomes a bit dangerous. The
factors involved in such a discussion deal with the hopelessly
complex relationship between two cultures and two histories. It is
a delicate conversation to have, for sure, but the argument over
whether one man's diary is real, and the argument over how one
soldier was killed, becomes important only in this light. In her
speech, Guerra joked that the fascination people have with the
diary is akin to tales of Elvis Presley sightings. What people have
invested in this debate is not some mere fandom or kitsch, but a
genuine passion for how the story of Texas is written and how it
affects real life. It may no longer matter how Crockett was killed,
but it does matter how we now allow him to live.